A global lens on European military history exposes the racist foundations upon which European empires have gone to war around the world over centuries. The racisms and nationalisms embedded in the narration of Europe’s military past prevent it from fully making the global turn. The study of war and militarization without the global turn enables the continued avoidance of questions that inherently challenge the nationalist, patriotic, and frequently racist and misogynist foundations that have long shaped the field. Moreover, European military historiography tends to ignore the many wars of anti-colonial resistance fought against colonizing powers in the long nineteenth century. Yet they were as much a part of European military history as any other wars. To globalize European military history, scholars must include analysis of anti-colonial resistance within the standard approaches to “military history.” Situating European military history more firmly in the global unsettles assumed knowledge about European military dominance, opening new possibilities for historians to consider armed struggles against empire within the same field of study as the recognized staples of European military history.

The legal significs and semioethics methodology adopted in this book constitutes a valuable tool to interpret the content of international human rights treaties. This method has allowed for a demonstration that the terminology employed to identify the girl child in international law (sense) is carefully pondered by the drafters of treaties (meaning-intention), and considerably impacts the conceptions of girlhood globally as well as girls’ rights and their implementation at the domestic level (significance). Our analysis has underscored that the first obstacle to the protection of the girl child lies in the silence concerning the boundaries and divisions of girlhood and womanhood internationally. The terminology employed in international human rights treaties is insufficient to clearly identify the girl child and protect her rights.

The chapter begins with a review of the historical and current socio-political context for sexual minority and gender diverse (SMGD) individuals living in India, followed by relevant research on the associations between minority stress and well-being. A particular focus is devoted to presenting data collected as part of the SMGD-MN study. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future psychological research with SMGD communities in India.

Chapter 1 begins by re-examining the textbook quantum postulates. It concludes with the realization that some of them are inconsistent with quantum mathematics, but also that they may not have to be postulated. Indeed, in the following two chapters it is shown that their consequences follow from the other, consistent postulates. This simplification of the quantum foundations provides a consistent, convenient, and solid starting point. The emergence of the classical from the quantum substrate is based on this foundation of “core quantum postulates”—the “quantum credo”. Discussion of the postulates is accompanied by a brief summary of their implications for the interpretation of quantum theory. This discussion touches on questions of interpretation that are implicit throughout the book, but will be addressed more fully in Chapter 9. Chapter 1 ends with a “decoherence primer” that provides a quick introduction to decoherence (discussed in detail in Part II). Its aim is to provide the reader with an overview of the process that will play an important role throughout the book, and to motivate Chapters 2 and 3 that lay the foundations for the physics of decoherence (Part II) as well as for quantum Darwinism, the subject of Chapters 7 and 8.

Chapter 7 is the conclusion of the book and traces how trends set by imperial historians of the nineteenth century framed the Tailors’ conspiracy as dangerous and as an isolated phenomenon while championing the 1789 conspiracy in Minas Gerais as foundational to Brazilian independence. Historians of the twentieth century rightly combated those efforts and fought to establish the conspiracy as equally significant as the plot in Minas Gerais. The book ends with the proposition that historians of the Tailors’ Conspiracy no longer need to do this kind of work. Instead, this book demonstrates the richness that comes from studying the conspiracy in an empire-wide context and in studying it from the vantage point of relations and not simply from the vantage points of ideology and rhetoric.

There are several important factors that directly affect induction and uptake of inhalational anesthetic agents. Some of these factors (Table 9.1) are modifiable, while others are not. Manipulation of these variables allows for the ability to increase or decrease the rate of induction (Table 9.2).

The introduction describes the principal arguments of the book. The first argument is that the 1798 Tailor’s Conspiracy was defined by the Brazilian High Court as sedition, which was defined as public disloyalty to the monarch. Taking sedition seriously allows us to see how people made public spaces into sites where people strategized and studied revolution together. The second argument presented is that the Tailors’ Conspiracy was not isolated but was rather the coda to three prior resistance movements across the empire: one in India, one in Angola, and one in Brazil. The Tailors’ Conspiracy was thus part of an empire-wide development in which the Portuguese had to contend with groups of revolutionaries who were racially, ethnically, and financially different and who all wanted greater political recognition from the empire. The third argument is that relations between and among people from all ranks of society was the baseline of political action. Differences in rank between conspirators were apparent when men were outlining the goals of the conspiracy. The political culture that sustained them was thus based on relationality, not cohesive demands.

Rural communities benefit when they have local lawyers. Lawyers do volunteer work in communities by serving on boards, putting on events, and in many other ways. Lawyers also volunteer in another important way, by providing free legal services within their communities. While the pro bono work done by rural lawyers cannot close the justice gap, it helps many individual clients. Lawyers also help whole communities, making rural communities more vibrant and resilient. While local governments spend money on lawyers, those governments also financially benefit from having local attorneys.

Rural attorneys are sometimes generalists, but often specialize in a few areas of law. Almost all of the attorneys do criminal legal work, either part-time prosecution, part-time criminal defense, and sometimes both. Lawyers also maintain significant private practices doing transactional and litigation work. This chapter surveys the areas of law practiced and also considers the conflicts that arise for rural lawyers.

This chapter considers how the right to freedom of thought should be viewed in circumstances of injustice. Specifically, we discuss whether the right not to reveal thoughts, the right not to be punished for thoughts, or the right not to have thoughts impermissibly altered, should ever be overridden. Examples include whether histories of genocide can justify surveillance of antisemitic or racist attitudes, whether access to thoughts may be helpful in proving intent to discriminate, and whether internet privacy protections should yield in the face of uses of social media in ways that further structural injustice. The chapter concludes that defences of freedom of thought as an ideal may be less convincing in situations of significant injustice or threats of violence.

Chapter 3 describes how quantum entanglement leads to probabilities based on a symmetry, but—in contrast to subjective equal likelihood based solely on ignorance—it is an objective symmetry of known quantum states. Entanglement-assisted invariance (or envariance for short) relies on quantum correlations: One can know the quantum state of the whole and use this to quantify the resulting ignorance of the states of parts. Thus, quantum probability is, in effect, an objective consequence of the Heisenberg-like indeterminacy between global and local observables. This derivation of Born’s rule is based on the consistent subset of quantum postulates. It justifies statistical interpretation of reduced density matrices, an indispensable tool of decoherence theory. Hence, it gives one the mandate to explore—in Part II of this book—the fundamental implications of decoherence and its consequences using reduced density matrices and other customary tools.

Digital technologies provide powerful new tools for covert influence strategies. The concept of ‘online manipulation’ has been used to describe a range of different practices, ranging from disinformation campaigns to targeted advertising and dark patterns. There is an emerging view in human rights scholarship that some of these practices may violate our right to freedom of thought. In this chapter, we argue that covert online influences undermine mental autonomy, and that the latter is protected by the right to freedom of thought. We propose that manipulative online practices interfere with freedom of thought when they affect one’s mental autonomy in a sufficiently global manner. We lay out a framework to establish when this threshold is reached, asking whether (1) the attempted influence or its originator was hidden, (2) the targeted person fell within a vulnerable category of individuals, or there existed an information or power asymmetry, (3) the attempted influence targeted a type of thought reaching a certain level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance, or mental processes linked with core aspects of external autonomy; and (4) eventually considering the frequency and duration of the attempted influence.

Nineteenth-century American authors often sought diplomatic political appointments because these were understood to be comfortable positions that provided financial security, cultural enrichment, and leisure time for writing. One popular strategy for obtaining such an appointment was to write a campaign biography for a successful politician. Though overlooked today, the genre of the campaign biography, which dates from the 1820s, was important for American novelists such as William Dean Howells, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Lew Wallace, and Nathaniel Hawthorne. In fact, Hawthorne’s 1852 Life of Franklin Pierce irritated his contemporaries (including Henry David Thoreau and Herman Melville) and later became an important touchstone for literary scholars interested in the intersection of literary arts and national politics. Paying special attention to Hawthorne’s work, this chapter argues that, rather than characterize the campaign biography as an inartistic piece of propaganda written merely to secure a political appointment, we should instead understand it as a node in a wider network of literary and political narrative nonfiction genres – also including histories, travelogues, newspaper journalism, and slave narratives.