This chapter documents the complex relationship between the papacy and liberation theology. Prior to the explicit emergence of liberation theology, the papacies of Pius XII and John XXIII provided important institutional and theological conditions in which liberation developed and became influential. A relative harmony existed during the ministry of Paul VI, as liberation theologians often took positions influenced theologically by Vatican II and politically by Paul VI’s attention to global poverty and hopes for the underdeveloped world. This tenor changed dramatically under John Paul II and Benedict XVI. Their experiences of communism and reaction to perceived excesses in the implementation of Vatican II translated into great tensions between the Vatican and liberation theologians. The papacy of Francis signals that these tensions have passed, as his priorities align more closely to the work of liberation theologians with important implications for Church governance and in relation to pressing global issues.

Race is intricately woven into my personal history and identity, partly because I grew up in Alabama when Jim Crow laws kept a tight grip on institutions and core aspects of daily life. I came of age on the heels of institutional change that outlawed racial segregation and discrimination in public spaces and expanded African Americans’ access to opportunities in higher education. These occurred alongside social change that shifted away from Eurocentric conformity and celebrated Black culture and identity. In this chapter I situate within this broader sociohistorical context my pathway to a career in developmental science and my perspectives, intellectual pursuits, and contributions. I also discuss how these institutional and social changes shaped the discipline through their influence on the racial composition of doctoral programs, ascendant conceptual and ideological perspectives on African American children, adults, and families, and scholars of color engagement in professional organizational leadership and editorial activities.

Becoming a subject to oneself is a challenge. To make the task somewhat more meaningful, I have presented a narrative that builds on experiences that are likely to resonate with other scholars from the Global South. In the academic journey from separation to synthesis, I have had the good fortune of collaborating with scientists from young students to renowned scholars, to whom I owe immense gratitude. I chose to modify the given metaphor of a pillar to better suit my orientation both to my inner self and to the outside world.

Becoming a subject to oneself is a challenge. To make the task somewhat more meaningful, I have presented a narrative that builds on experiences that are likely to resonate with other scholars from the Global South. In the academic journey from separation to synthesis, I have had the good fortune of collaborating with scholars from young students to renowned scholars, to whom I owe immense gratitude. I chose to modify the given metaphor of a pillar to better suit my orientation both to my inner self and to the outside world.

My early intellectual development was nurtured by liberal-minded English parents, a French lycée and a Western “classics” curriculum to approach communication through literature and history. But my university introduction to psychology was framed as experimental science. Personal relationships and political awakening in early adulthood prompted me to migrate to a newly decolonized African nation, where all my children were raised. My early publications focused on explaining the performance of African children on Western measures of cognition in terms of measurement bias. In the 1970s my personal agenda of integration into Zambian society motivated closer attention to ways in which sociocultural context influences plurilingual discourse and conceptualization of intelligence. As a sojourner in the USA in the 1990s, I collaborated with American colleagues in a multi-method study of early literacy development in an ethnically diverse city. We theorized that the intimate culture of a child’s family filters wider cultural influences on individual development. Application of science to policy for support of children’s development needs to engage with their families’ ethnotheories.

While my research life course is not typical, I have been able to focus on developmental psychology in full. Studying change and continuity, risk and resilience, timing/tempo and transitions, babies to boomers. Topics include self-recognition, social cognition, puberty, pregnancy, sexuality, depression, aggression, and parenting. Poverty, inequality, family structure, neighborhood, and immigration contexts are of interest. Policy-oriented research focuses on federal policies (subsidized childcare, Head Start and Early Head Start, income transfers, housing) as well as prevention programs. My greatest pleasure has been the amazing scholars and students from psychology as well as economics, sociology, demography, endocrinology, pediatrics, biologists, and social workers.

Chapter 6 takes as its subject the relatively sudden proliferation of narrative images of the virtuous deeds and dramatic martyrdom of the saints that became popular themes for altarpieces in the second half of the sixteenth century. These transformations to the altarpiece were the result of earlier artistic developments, but they were also shaped by the context of the Reformations.

While most scholars of criminalized governance in Rio de Janeiro attribute its origins to the prison-based factions which formed during the military dictatorship (1964–85), this chapter argues that these arrangements emerged before, in the homes and on the streets and alleyways of the city’s favelas and housing projects. This chapter investigates these origins by focusing on the first embryonic gangs in Complexo da Maré in the 1970s. Combining archival research with oral histories of longtime residents, the chapter documents the emergence of Maré’s gangs after a variety of other non-state actors that had previously provided governance were increasingly marginalized during Brazil’s military dictatorship and as the abusive practices of police became more widespread. Maré’s incipient gang networks quickly began to compete over valuable drug-selling turf and, as the more successful ones consolidated territorial control, they expanded their organizations and governance activities. The chapter concludes with a description of the history of Rio’s prison-based factions and the marriage between these two organizational forms as the favela-based gangs integrated into these citywide networks.

The first ladies of the United States are often not thought about as activists. But in fact, many used their political position strategically to advocate for important reforms that benefited minorities and other underrepresented groups. Their activism from the White House helped social and political causes in different eras. Their unsung work contributed to their administration’s public profile and legacy. It also aided larger social justice campaigns going on throughout US history. This chapter explores the frequently unsung efforts of US first ladies in the realm of social advocacy to shed greater light on the significant work done by these women. It challenges the notion that first ladies were simply ornaments or companions for their husbands and highlights the actions that they took to create change.

How did social democracy seed new forms of politics that came of age in the global revolts of 1968, exposing its contradictions and compromised foundations, and hastening its demise after 1976?

How, given that in 1885 those unable to support themselves were considered personal failures, were they seen as victims of the failures of markets and governments to ensure their welfare by 1931?

How was the British imperial state transformed from an ancien régime in 1819 to a liberal one that depended upon a new science of government?

This chapter analyses how external violence impacts on relationships and social dynamics in Sierra Leone, particularly in urban areas. The civil war (1991–2002) disrupted historical marriage and gender roles, reshaping relationship dynamics. In contemporary Sierra Leone, youth face socio-economic obstacles that alter their path to adulthood. They navigate being stuck in youthhood through favours and debts, challenging conventional expectations like formal employment and marriage while securing their future. Urban settings encourage diverse relationship practices, allowing for more open exploration of desire. However, families still play a significant role in mediating conflicts between partners. Youth, unable to establish formal alliances through marriage, create relationship forms that bridge personal desires, societal expectations, and economic constraints. Understanding these complex relationship dynamics is vital, as violence can arise from the tension between personal aspirations and the demands of committed relationships. In urban Sierra Leone’s complex social landscape, violence, intimacy, and social structures are intricately intertwined.

Florence Boos examines the proliferation of working-class writing in a variety of genres – poetry, fiction, autobiography, and journalism – at a time when there was a significant middle-class interest in forms of working-class culture. This led to the financing and production of publications such as Howitt’s and People’s Journal, Eliza Cook’s Journal, The Literature of Working Men, and the Dundee-based People’s Journal. The broadly class-based nature of the pervasive violence of the period is acknowledged here as a given in works which experiment with form in order to represent the authenticity of the working-class experience. As Boos concludes, ‘an integration of these writings into our conceptions of Victorian authorship can provide a more comprehensive understanding of the latter, as well as greater appreciation of the unique contributions of mid-century British working-class writers to the literary representation of the social issues of their time’.

This chapter compares the living standards provided by sweatshop wages to other alternative living standards in the countries where sweatshops are located. The main finding is that sweatshop pay compares favorably with widespread poverty living standards and agricultural earnings in the countries in which sweatshops operate and often even compares favorably with average living standards.