This chapter discusses the political and diplomatic control of the implementation of international decisions by quasi-judicial bodies. It covers the follow-up procedures of the Human Rights Committee, the African Commission, and the Inter-American Commission, highlighting the challenges and effectiveness of these mechanisms. The chapter examines the role of states, international organizations, and civil society in ensuring compliance with international human rights decisions, the strategies for overcoming obstacles to implementation, and the impact of political and diplomatic efforts on the protection of human rights. It also discusses the need for enhanced cooperation and coordination among various actors to improve the effectiveness of these follow-up procedures.

This chapter examines the universal system for the protection of human rights, focusing on the permanent organs of the United Nations (UN) and specialized human rights bodies. It explores the roles and functions of these organs, including the General Assembly, Security Council, Economic and Social Council, International Court of Justice, and the Secretary-General, as well as various human rights treaty bodies and special procedures. The chapter discusses the challenges and opportunities in the universal human rights system, highlighting the importance of international cooperation and the role of UN mechanisms in promoting and protecting human rights worldwide.

This paper considers the goals of regulators in different countries working on regulating online platforms and how those varied motivations influence the potential for international coordination and cooperation on platform governance. different policy debates and goals surrounding online platform responsibility. The analysis identifies different policy goals related to three different types of obligations that regulators may impose on online platforms: responsibilities to target particular categories of unwanted content, responsibilities for platforms that wield particularly significant influence, and responsibilities to be transparent about platform decision-making. Reviewing the proposals that have emerged in each of these categories across different countries, the paper examines which of these three policy goals present the greatest opportunities for international coordination and agreement and which of them actually require such coordination in order to be effectively implemented. Finally, it considers what lessons can be drawn from existing policy efforts for how to foster greater coordination around areas of common interest related to online platforms.

The world has muddled through with limited and ambiguous understandings of the scope of national jurisdiction in a number of private and public law areas. In order to reduce the barriers of legal difference in the field of platform responsibility, states may begin by reducing areas of overlapping application of law, by agreeing on rules of exclusive jurisdiction. They may also agree on rules of national treatment, most favored nation treatment, and proportionality, or they may agree to harmonize rules. These incursions on national regulatory autonomy will require detailed, sector-specific negotiations, recognizing both the importance of global communications, and the importance of national regulatory autonomy.

Chapter 13 focuses on Luxembourg, which sits near the top of several regional and international indexes for ICT development, digital economy and society, and technological readiness, and hosts an impressive and growing number of data centres along with the regional or global headquarters of major internet and e-commerce players. The country’s small size, highly connected nature and financial strength translate into the active cooperation of service providers in criminal investigations in both domestic and cross-border situations. Drawing on interview-based research, this chapter provides an international audience with a targeted overview of the Luxembourg legal framework, the ways in which it has adapted to developments at the international and EU levels (Budapest Convention, European Investigation Order, Law Enforcement Directive) and the practical as well as legal challenges relating to the various forms of cooperation between service providers and law enforcement authorities. It offers a comprehensive, up-to-date picture of national data retention rules and discusses the potential impact of the new European Production Order on service providers in Luxembourg.

The Anglo-Dutch bombardment of Algiers on 27 August 1816 indicated how, after the Congress of Vienna, a new order based on collective security was taking shape, not just on the continent, but also in the Mediterranean Sea. This chapter suggests that 1816 was a moment of departure from past traditions and signified the creation of a new Mediterranean order. Defining features of that order – such as modes of cooperation, the linkage to the Congress System, the use of security as a legitimizing discourse and the important roles of smaller and non-European powers – all came into play during the Anglo–Dutch bombardment. Additionally, this Anglo–Dutch cooperation shows how various states took the lead in the fight against piracy, dependent upon the situation. There was not a single naval hegemon who executed the repressive effort. At this early stage, smaller powers initially drove the repression of ‘Barbary piracy’, later to be followed by Great Britain, Russia and France. The effort became a truly pan-European reorganisation of security in the Mediterranean.

Chapter 1 begins with a brief sketch of the development of the domestic nuclear energy sector in South Africa (1950–1977). It illuminates how scientists were able to tap into sources of cooperation and funding to advance the nuclear energy industry during the 1960s and 1970s, following the Ploughshare Programme initiated under US President Eisenhower’s Atoms for Peace initiative. Part of this chapter is devoted to the cooperation between South African, French and German firms. Recently obtained primary sources show how these collaborations enabled apartheid scientists to realize their vision of erecting the nuclear infrastructure to produce enriched uranium locally, ultimately feeding their nuclear weapons. I show how internal South African opposition to subjecting its nascent nuclear infrastructure to the emerging global non-proliferation regime manifested itself during that period, with repercussions for the coming decades.

As an essential player of global climate change governance, China has been proactive in climate change policymaking and has improved its climate governance through progressive policy measures and institution building both domestically and internationally. This shows China’s transformation from a norm-follower to a positive participant and further normative contributor to global climate change governance. Particularly, China has steadily exerted its influence on global climate change governance by adopting two governance approaches – a top-down governance approach and a multi-stakeholder engagement approach – in union. With Chinese corporations and financial institutions’ evolving participation in green investment and agenda-setting in global climate governance, China’s mixed governance approach can further improve its climate governance regime from a state-led climate governance system to a co-governance system. Through a more flexible framework with the involvement of different actors, China and other leading partners can create a broader foundation for policy cooperation to accelerate the reduction of carbon emissions and raise climate ambitions collectively.

Global health law has been a focus of debates since the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. This chapter examines global health law in the face of Covid-19, with the focus on China. It answers the accountability question and finds that China has fulfilled its obligation of notification under the World Health Organization (WHO) International Health Regulations 2005, yet the current international health governance is facing great challenges. The chapter argues that international cooperation should be a duty under the global health law, and therefore that more effective global health governance should be in place, especially with a binding mechanism to ensure a global response strategy in case of a future public health crisis.