Africa had a busy election calendar in 2024, with at least 19 countries holding presidential or general elections. In a continent with a large youth population, a common theme across these countries is a desire for citizens to have their voices heard, and a busy election year offers an opportunity for the continent to redeem its democratic credentials and demonstrate its leaning towards strengthening free and fair elections and a more responsive and democratic governance. Given the central role that governance plays in security in Africa, the stakes from many of these elections are high, not only to achieve a democratically elected government but also to achieve stability and development. Since governance norms, insecurity, and economic buoyancy are rarely contained by borders, the conduct and outcomes from each of these elections will also have implications for neighbouring countries and the continent overall. This article considers how the results of recent elections across Africa have been challenged in courts based on mistrust in the use of technology platforms, how the deployment of emerging technology, including AI, is casting a shadow on the integrity of elections in Africa, and the policy options to address these emerging trends with a particular focus on governance of AI technologies through a human rights-based approach and equitable public procurement practices.

In many areas of The Gambia, West Africa, population crowding in a degraded environment has forced close interactions of diurnal primate species with humans. We assessed intestinal parasitic infection prevalence and diversity in 4 diurnal non-human primate (NHP) species, Chlorocebus sabaeus, Erythrocebus patas, Papio papio and Piliocolobus badius across 13 sampling sites. The effect of human activity, determined by the human activity index, and NHP group size on parasite richness was assessed using a generalized linear mixed model (GLMM). The most common protozoa identified were Entamoeba coli (30%) and Iodamoeba buetschlii (25%). The most common helminths were Strongyloides fuelleborni (11%), Oesophagostomum spp. (9%) and Trichuris trichiura (9%). Two of six (6%) Cyclospora spp. infections detected sequenced as Cyclospora cercopitheci (both in C. sabaeus). The more arboreal P. badius trended towards a lower prevalence of intestinal parasites, although this was not statistically significant (χ2 P = 0.105). Human activity or group size did not have any significant effect on parasite richness for P. badius (P = 0.161 and P = 0.603) or P. papio (P = 0.817 and P = 0.607, respectively). There were insufficient observations to fit a GLMM to E. patas or C. sabaeus. Our reports present the richness and diversity of intestinal parasites in 4 diurnal NHPs in The Gambia, West Africa. Despite desertification and habitat loss, our results indicate that the prevalence and diversity of intestinal parasites in Gambian NHPs are seemingly unaffected by human activity. Further investigation with a larger dataset is required to better elucidate these findings.

This paper considers Africa's place in China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The Maritime Silk Road is a major component of the “Belt and Road” development framework announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in late 2013. While the People's Republic of China has been actively engaged in Africa since 1960, the Maritime Silk Road promises an intensification of Chinese investment on the continent, especially in infrastructural projects including the construction of railways, airports and deepwater ports. The paper will contextualize these development projects in China's new normal of single-digit growth, and explain that the “Belt and Road” should be seen as one of China's new engines of growth. The paper will conclude with an examination of the question of whether China is engaged in neocolonialism in Africa.

This paper explores the parochialism overshadowing the representation of Africa in Wolf Warrior 2, a popular Chinese film released in 2017. Set in Africa, the film portrays the continent as chaotic, characterized by lawlessness, ravaged by war and disease, and destined for doom. Of particular interest to this paper is the role assigned to the Chinese characters, which reveals stereotypes of Africa in the face of a rising Sino-African economic, political and diplomatic engagement which highlights principles of egalitarianism. The article uncovers a “White Saviour Complex” in the film's Chinese characters in ways similar to Western colonial narratives. This is despite the fact that there is no colonial history linking Africa and China that would substantiate the new face given to this White Saviour Complex. This paper posits that Wolf Warrior 2 reasserts a superiority complex in views of Africa, often bundling the entire continent's countries into one hopeless entity desperate for a foreign saviour. It further suggests that the film announces China's displacement of the West on the continent. This paper argues that Wolf Warrior 2 reveals hegemonic anti-African racist stereotypes.

Low vitamin D associated with high parathyroid hormone (PTH) is common in HIV infection. We determined the association between total 25(OH)D and PTH in adolescents living with HIV, in Zambia and Zimbabwe. Adolescents (11–19 years) perinatally infected with HIV and established on antiretroviral therapy for ≥ 6 months were recruited into a cross-sectional study. Socio-demographic and clinical characteristics were recorded, anthropometry measured and fasted serum concentrations of 1,25(OH)2D, total 25(OH)D and intact PTH measured. The association between total 25(OH)D and PTH was examined using natural cubic spline regression. 842 participants (female: 53·2%) with a median age of 15·5 (IQR: 13·2–17·9) years were enrolled. Median antiretroviral therapy duration was 9·8 (IQR: 6·3–12·3) years, and 165/841 had an HIV viral-load >60 copies/ml. Stunting (height-for-age z-score <–2) and underweight (weight-for-age z-score <–2) were observed in 29·9 and 30·0%, respectively. Three-quarters reported daily Ca intakes <150 mg/d. The mean (sd) concentrations of total 25(OH)D and 1,25(OH)2D were 66·1(16·5) nmol/l and 210·6 (70·4) pmol/l, respectively, and median PTH level was 4·3 (IQR: 3·3–5·5) pmol/l. There was an inverse non-linear relationship between total 25(OH)D and PTH, 25(OH)D levelling off at 74·6 nmol/l (95 % CI: 74·5, 75·2). Results were consistent in those taking tenofovir disoproxil fumarate and virally unsuppressed participants. In this population with extremely low habitual Ca intakes, the lack of association between 25(OH)D and PTH when 25(OH)D exceeded 75 nmol/l potentially suggests that levels of 25(OH)D >75 nmol/l may need to be achieved to improve bone health; investigation is needed in future research studies.

The objective of this study was to investigate the impact of common mental disorder (CMD; depression/anxiety) symptoms and risky substance use in people with epilepsy in Ethiopia (four districts) on quality of life (QoL) and functioning over 6 months. A prospective cohort study was carried out. Multivariable linear regression followed by structural equation modelling (SEM) was employed. In the multivariable regression model, neither CMD symptoms (β coef. = −0.37, 95% confidence interval [CI] −1.30, +0.55) nor moderate to high risk of alcohol use (β coef. = −0.70, 95% CI −9.20, +7.81) were significantly associated with a change in QoL. In SEM, the summative effect of CMD on QoL was significant (B = −0.27, 95% CI −0.48, −0.056). Change in functional disability was not significantly associated with common mental disorder (CMD) symptoms (β coef. = −0.03, 95% CI −0.48, +0.54) or with moderate to high risk of alcohol use (β coef. = −1.31, 95% CI −5.89, 3.26). In the SEM model, functional disability was predicted by both CMD symptoms (B = 0.24, 95% CI 0.06, 0.41) and seizure frequency (B = 0.67, 95% CI 0.46, 0.87). In this rural Ethiopian setting, co-morbid CMD symptoms and seizure frequency independently predicted functional disability in people with epilepsy.

Healthcare workers in Africa face considerable stress due to factors like long working hours, heavy workloads and limited resources, leading to psychological distress. Generally, countries in the global north have well-established policies and employee wellness programs for mental health compared to countries in the global south. This scoping review aimed to synthesize evidence from published and grey literature on workplace mental health promotion interventions targeting African healthcare workers using Social Ecological Model (SEM) and the Job Demands-Resources (JD-R) model as an underlying theoretical framework for analysis. Arksey and O’Malley framework for scoping reviews was used. The search was conducted across multiple databases. A total of 5590 results were retrieved from Ovid MEDLINE, Ovid Embase, Ovid PsycINFO, Cochrane Library, CINAHL, Scopus and Web of Science. Seventeen (17) studies from ten (10) African countries were included after title, abstract and full text screening. Thematic analysis identified 5 key themes namely training programs, counselling services, peer support programs, relaxation techniques and informational resources. In conclusion, even though limited workplace mental health interventions for healthcare professionals were identified in Africa, individual-level interventions have been notably substantial in comparison to organizational and policy-level initiatives. Moving forward, a multi-faceted approach unique to the African context is essential.

This paper examines China’s evolving security engagement in Africa, focusing on the recent shifts in policy and strategy as China’s global influence expands. By employing a multi-dimensional research approach, including fieldwork with semi-structured interviews, and a thorough analysis of official Chinese documents, the study highlights key examples from Tanzania, Ethiopia, and the African Union. China’s security engagement is characterised by a dual strategy of hard and soft security measures, including military presence, arms transfers, and diplomatic initiatives. The research identifies a significant transition from primarily economic-focused interactions to a more nuanced strategy that incorporates military cooperation and diplomatic interventions. This shift reflects China’s response to the complex geopolitical dynamics within Africa and its broader ambitions on the global stage. While still largely state-centric, China’s engagement is beginning to adopt more assertive security strategies, driven by the need to protect its investments and citizens in conflict-prone regions, as well as to position itself as a responsible global actor in peace and security. Despite these developments, China’s approach remains cautious and reactive, constrained by its policy principles and the complexities of African geopolitics.

One common explanation for ethnicized politics and limited national identification in Africa lies with colonial boundaries. Europeans frequently divided ethnic groups as they divvied territory in the nineteenth century; this might have long-run repercussions, as individuals prioritize ties with coethnics in neighboring states rather than with non-coethnic co-nationals. Contra these expectations, we argue that divided groups should have weaker attachments to their ethnicity than non-divided groups will, because partition particularly disrupted pre-existing traditional institutions of governance and exchange within these groups. We argue that partition weakened traditional authorities and, consequently, ethnic identities through three mechanisms: (1) administrative shifts that reduced traditional authorities’ power; (2) limitations on leaders’ capacity to raise revenues; and (3) exacerbating intra-group divisions among co-ethnics living on different sides of the borders. We test this using georeferenced data from rounds 3-6 of the Afrobarometer and find support for our argument. These results are robust to different measures of the extent to which an ethnic group was split and various considerations of ethnic groups’ local and national demographic and political power. Our findings have important implications for studies of the legacies of colonialism and identity politics in Africa today.

The synonymies of the echinochasmid genera Mesorchis Dietz, 1909 and Monilifer Dietz, 1909 with Stephanoprora Odhner, 1902 remain contentious and unresolved with morphology. To explore the matter, we herein provide a supplemental description of the type species of Stephanoprora, Stephanoprora ornata Odhner, 1902, based on specimens we collected from the intestine of a Nile crocodile Crocodylus niloticus Laurenti, 1768 (Crocodylia: Crocodylidae) captured in the Kavango River, Namibia. No nucleotide information was available previously for S. ornata. Morphology plus 28S and ITS2 phylogenetic analyses suggested Stephanoprora is a monotypic genus that can be differentiated from other genera by having 26 collar spines. Stephanoprora differs from Mesorchis by the number and distribution of collar spines (26 [2 dorsal spines, 12 lateral spines, 12 corner spines] vs. 22 [2 dorsal spines, 12 lateral spines, 8 corner spines] in Mesorchis), length of the pre-pharyngeal oesophagus, pharynx position posterior to collar (vs. pre-pharyngeal oesophagus short, pharynx anterior to or at level of corner spines), and testes shape (elongate-ovoid, irregular in outline vs. ovoid, atypically elongated). Our 28S and ITS2 phylogenies recovered the new sequence of S. ornata (having 26 collar spines) sister to all remaining echinochasmid sequences, representing species that have 20–24 collar spines. Echinochasmus Dietz, 1909 and Mesorchis were recovered as paraphyletic. We retain Monilifer as a junior subjective synonym of Echinochasmus based a suite of morphological features related to body shape and genitalia and because the designated type for Monilifer was reassigned to Echinochasmus. We accept 25 species of Mesorchis.

What determines why some protest events last only a single day while others can stretch over multiple days? This study presents the first cross-national quantitative analysis of the factors that shape protest event duration. This study argues that protest event duration is the function of factors that increase momentum (e.g. protest size, location and participants) while also examining whether repression attenuates such momentum. Using the Armed Conflict Location Event Data, this study employs two multilevel statistical methods to examine the factors that matter. First, the study examines the day-by-day factors that shape whether a protest will continue the next day. Second, the study examines the overall duration of events. The analyses find strong support that protests in capitals and urban areas, as well as protests featuring students, labour unions and professional organizations, last longer, while repression does truncate events.