In 2018, baijiu giant Jiangsu Yanghe Distillery Co., Ltd. acquired 12.5% of one of the largest global wine conglomerates in Chile, VSPT Wine Group, for US$65 million. The transaction was the first of its kind in the South American country, in which a Chinese baijiu producer purchased a stake in a Chilean wine company. The transaction involved considerable strategic and business planning and the support of experienced legal and financial advisors. This case study first analyzes how a change in alcohol consumption habits in China was a critical factor for Yanghe in deciding to carry out the transaction and the rationale behind choosing a target from the “new wine world.” It then explores how the Chile-China Free Trade Agreement has increased the amount of wine exported to China and how Chilean wine is perceived as “value for money” among Chinese consumers. Finally, it discusses how this transaction is an example of how Chinese state-owned enterprises have learned rapidly from their outward foreign direct investments and how Chinese investors are increasingly using experienced advisors to help inform their overseas investments.

The subject of elliptic curves is one of the jewels of nineteenth-century mathematics, originated by Abel, Gauss, Jacobi, and Legendre. This book, reissued with a new Foreword, presents an introductory account of the subject in the style of the original discoverers, with references to and comments about more modern developments. It combines three of the fundamental themes of mathematics: complex function theory, geometry, and arithmetic.

After an informal preparatory chapter, the book follows an historical path, beginning with the work of Abel and Gauss on elliptic integrals and elliptic functions. This is followed by chapters on theta functions, modular groups and modular functions, the quintic, the imaginary quadratic field, and on elliptic curves.

Requiring only a first acquaintance with complex function theory, this book is an ideal introduction to the subject for graduate students and researchers in mathematics and physics, with many exercises with hints scattered throughout the text.

This chapter develops an approach to restructuring with control verbs in German that is based on the operation Remove. The approaches to restructuring in infinitival constructions developed over the last three decades postulate either uniformly monoclausal structures or uniformly biclausal structures, that is, they do not actually rely on a concept of syntactic restructuring. Against this background, the goal of this chapter is to outline an approach to restructuring with control verbs in German that radically departs from standard approaches in that it presupposes that genuine syntactic restructuring does indeed exist, and can be held responsible for conflicting pieces of evidence that suggest both a monoclausal and a biclausal structure. The chapter is organized as follows. Following an illustration of infinitival constructions in German, I present conflicting evidence for restructuring with control verbs in German: There are arguments for a monoclausal analysis and there are arguments for a biclausal analysis. The Remove-based approach is shown to capture both the evidence for monoclausality and the evidence for biclausality.

A short chapter with an update on my daughter after the abuse

Chapter 12 discusses the EU’s new pilot regime for DLT market infrastructures, as laid out in the Pilot Regulation (PilotR). Section 12.2 covers its scope, including activities and entities in scope, size limits, the interface towards the Settlement Finality Directive (SFD), geographic scope, and the EU passporting rules. Section 12.3 explains the procedure under PilotR, beginning with the fundamental requirement to appoint an operator that applies for specific permission to run the DLT market infrastructure – in contrast to the decentralised nature of DLT. Then, we outline how PilotR provides exemptions from MiFID/MiFIR and CSDR along with the associated conditions and compensatory measures – and the supervisory framework under PilotR. Section 12.4 discusses the governance of DLT market infrastructures based on the Business Plan Approach, by which the operator proposes the rules for its own operations – to be approved by the competent authority. Section 12.5 concludes.

A switch was flicked, and a hologram, 8 metres long and 2 metres wide, appeared. Under the impressive India Gate of New Delhi, on 23 January 2022, India's prime minister, Narendra Modi, inaugurated a hologram monument of the politician and military leader Subhas Chandra Bose (1897–1945) (ABP News 2022). The statue celebrates the controversial, authoritarian, and anti-Semitic Bose for his defiance of the British during the independence struggles in the 1930s and 1940s. It fits with the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) agenda to show that ‘the history of India is not just what was written by those who enslaved the country’ (Times of India 2021). Modi's party seeks to challenge a supposedly ‘elitist’ and ‘colonial’ narrative of Indian history (Khan et al. 2017; Zachariah 2020). The BJP finds examples in ‘heroes’ such as Bose, uses DNA to claim a link between contemporary Hindus and India's first inhabitants many thousands of years ago, and treats ancient Hindu scripture as fact and not myth (Chapter 5; Jain and Lasseter 2018).

Sixteen thousand kilometres away from New Delhi, a different populist ‘politics of history’ unfolded over the past two decades. Evo Morales, the leader of the left-wing populist Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) and the first indigenous president of Bolivia between 2006 and 2019, promoted a policy of anti-imperialist and anti-neoliberal ‘cultural and democratic revolution’ to inaugurate a ‘new phase of history’ after colonialism (Morales 2006). By performing highly mediatized political ceremonies at indigenous heritage sites such as his alternative ‘spiritual’ inauguration at the Tiwanaku site, by celebrating figures such as eighteenth-century indigenous rebel Túpac Katari (c. 1750–1781), and by using indigenous notions such as pachakuti (the future in the past), Morales attempted to ‘decolonize’ Bolivian history (Dangl 2019; García Jerez and Müller 2015). Grand symbolic gestures were familiar to Morales, too. On 21 June 2014, his government installed a counterclockwise running timepiece on the Congress building of La Paz. Symbolizing that Bolivians must ‘undo their history’ and challenge colonial standards, this ‘clock of the south’ invited them to ‘think creatively and disobey Western norms’ (BBC News 2014). Although the MAS started out along ethno-populist lines and was dominated by Quechua-speaking indigenous people, it never defined this indigeneity in strict exclusivist terms.

In 2013, when I first met the elderly Baba Nazir, he was introduced to me as the jharu kash of the Bodianwale shrine. Jharu kash literally translates as “the one who sweeps” and evokes a life of selfless devotion and service to a saint and their shrine. In fact, one of its most common representations in Punjab is the image of a woman sweeping the floor of her saint's shrine with her long, flowing tresses. However, in many shrines, including Bodianwale, jharu kash are assigned the far more “worldly” role of a caretaker, which involves looking after the shrine's premises and managing its everyday affairs. Nazir had been appointed to this particular position, a few years ago, by pir Syed Hassan Gillani (henceforth, pir Hassan), the gaddi nashin of Bodianwale and scion of a powerful Sufi family that had controlled Bodianwale and an associated shrine complex for many generations. Nazir had been associated with this family for almost fifty years and served them in a variety of capacities. His position in Bodianwale as pir Hassan's point person required him to live on the shrine's premises and shoulder several responsibilities. He was given authority over the other men who lived in the shrine and supervised their work of cleaning and maintaining the space. Ensuring the shrine's security, keeping an eye on things, and reporting the goings-on to pir Hassan were all part of his mandate. Importantly, he was also assigned the duty of collecting and delivering cash and other offerings made by devotees to the pir as well as encouraging devotees to contribute to the upkeep of the shrine.

Nazir generally adopted a laid-back approach to the caretaker role. While he kept a vigilant eye on things, he preferred to not get involved in most aspects of the shrine's operations. Instead, he ceded space to other individuals and groups to take the lead in organizing and managing events and daily activities at Bodianwale. Even though he possessed the powers and authority that come from being the pir's appointee, Nazir was hardly pushed to exercise and expand his influence. His identification as a malang, which calls for a distance from worldly affairs, was certainly a factor in his attitude toward this managerial role.