Latin America was one of the regions hardest hit by the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper aims to assess the evolution of family income inequality and its components from the onset of the pandemic to the end of 2021 in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Peru and Uruguay. The unequalising impact of the worsening of the labour market during the contraction period was associated with the significant loss of informal jobs. This effect was partially offset by the equalising role of cash transfer policies. During the recovery period, the distributive impacts of these income sources were the opposite of those observed during the contraction period, as most countries gradually reduced or ceased these transfers while labour incomes partially rebounded. Two years into the COVID-19 pandemic, income inequality in most countries either remained the same or had decreased compared to 2019, even though total family incomes are still below the levels of that year.

During the height of its power over everyday life, between 1968 and 1993, the Cuban Communist Party outlawed virtually all non-state labour and exchange. Since then, however, its continuity in power has increasingly depended on devolution: shifting responsibility for the provision of basic goods and services from failing state enterprises back to the self-employed. The latter now produce the majority of food and basic products; receive most of the national income from tourism, remittances and foreign investment; and generate most new jobs. Nevertheless, they subsist under a subaltern regime of fragile and conditional freedoms. The article adapts James Scott's consideration for the subaltern's ‘hidden transcripts’ and agencies to contemporary Cuba. It analyses the unavoidability of informal and illegal practices for daily subsistence; their naturalisation in society in contrast with their delegitimisation as opportunistic self-enrichment in party-controlled media; and how the self-employed resist such judgements in favour of more conciliatory civic visions.

Conflict has become a central concept to understanding the recent expansion of mining across the Andes. Yet, while contestation can emerge and has done so, the continued extraction of minerals requires scholars to attend to how mining projects maintain viability. This article moves beyond analyses of conflict to elucidate the role of compromise in achieving temporary states of homeostasis. Using ethnographic data collected at the Las Bambas copper mine in the highlands of southern Peru, I explore the agential navigation of communities affected by mining and the projects they develop in pursuit of ‘a better life’. The article elucidates the challenges that industrial production presents for professional employment, the limitations of boomtown hustling (informal economic activity) for aspiring individuals, and the rise of artisanal mining as a project of social mobility. Ultimately, the acceptance of such ‘illegal’ mining by corporate proprietors demonstrates the complementary nature that informal and formal extraction play in allaying the momentum of conflict.