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Immigrants in the United States without proper documentation face the risk of being subject to deportation (“removal”) proceedings and being detained. Decisions about deportation and immigration detention are made by immigration judges (IJs) in immigration courts (ICs) around the country. Some applications are also decided by the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and are characterized as “benefits” rather than relief. Psychological evidence is a key component of many forms of removal relief and benefits (e.g., asylum applications, hardship, competency). Decisions made by IJs, immigration attorneys, and mental health professionals in IC can have serious consequences for immigrants, including deportation and detention. This chapter reviews some of the psychological issues involved in immigration law and the legal decision-making involved in removal relief applications. It also outlines the ways in which forensic mental health assessments can aid IJs in their decision-making process and offers recommendations for research and policy in this area.
In any legal case, there is a pool of possible forensic evaluators whom a court might order, or an attorney might retain, to conduct a forensic mental health evaluation. There is a growing body of research showing that these evaluators are not interchangeable. They differ somewhat in their attitudes, personality traits, opinions about how to conduct evaluations, and thresholds for reaching conclusions. These differences, coupled with the subjectivity inherent to psycholegal questions and the pull of adversarial allegiance to retaining parties, can lead to biased decision-making. Although there is some support for specialized training as a mechanism for reducing these biases, even increased training will never eliminate the subjective clinical judgment necessary for some aspects of forensic assessment. The goal is to work toward reducing the impact of hidden biases on case outcomes, which should lead to better decisions by both evaluators and consumers of their work.
An increasing body literature has underscored the need for clinical methods and approaches to be able to generalise to clients from different cultural backgrounds. This has led to a broader discussion on the unique needs of offenders and patients from minority and culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds and how forensic clinicians can work more effectively with these populations. As cultural differences can affect illness and behaviour, recognising these differences is important for appropriate and equitable mental health care provision within the criminal justice system. This chapter provides an outline of the unique socio-cultural contexts of Culturally and Linguistically Diverse populations and how these phenomena underpin mental health presentations and behaviours prompting criminal justice system involvement. Directions are offered for working with such populations in various psycho-legal contexts (i.e., clinical assessment, diagnoses, treatment, risk assessment), and an integrated model of cross-cultural assessment is introduced to assist assessors working in cross-cultural clinical scenarios.
A number of commonly used performance validity tests (PVTs) may be prone to high failure rates when used for individuals with severe neurocognitive deficits. This study investigated the validity of 10 PVT scores in justice-involved adults with fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD), a neurodevelopmental disability stemming from prenatal alcohol exposure and linked with severe neurocognitive deficits.
Method:
The sample comprised 80 justice-involved adults (ages 19–40) including 25 with confirmed or possible FASD and 55 where FASD was ruled out. Ten PVT scores were calculated, derived from Word Memory Test, Genuine Memory Impairment Profile, Advanced Clinical Solutions (Word Choice), the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale – Fourth Edition (Reliable Digit Span and age-corrected scaled scores (ACSS) from Digit Span, Coding, Symbol Search, Coding – Symbol Search, Vocabulary – Digit Span), and the Wechsler Memory Scale – Fourth Edition (Logical Memory II Recognition).
Results:
Participants with diagnosed/possible FASD were more likely to fail any single PVT, and failed a greater number of PVTs overall, compared to those without FASD. They were also more likely to fail based on Word Memory Test, Digit Span ACSS, Coding ACSS, Symbol Search ACSS, and Logical Memory II Recognition, compared to controls (35–76%). Across both groups, substantially more participants with IQ <70 failed two or more PVTs (90%), compared to those with an IQ ≥70 (44%).
Conclusions:
Results highlight the need for additional research examining the use of PVTs in justice-involved populations with FASD.
The association between intellectual disability and offending is complex. Recent evidence would suggest that the received wisdom of intellectually disabled persons being more prone to offending is either incorrect or only tells part of the story. Those within the ‘borderline’ intellectual disability range may be more prone to committing sexual and criminal damage offences but those with an IQ less than 50 rarely offend.
The offender with intellectual disability shares characteristics with his counterpart from the general population. As with the general population as a whole, offending in this group is often unreported and its recognition is complicated by issues of competence. The lack of validated forensic assessment schedules for this population poses a further challenge. Some general approaches to assessment in this population are discussed. This case report illustrates the difficulties of assessing and managing offending behaviour in an individual with moderate intellectual disability. The challenge of treating offenders with an intellectual disability is immense and requires specialist expertise. Managing such cases in a generic setting is inappropriate and the need for a forensic learning disability service in Ireland is highlighted.
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