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This chapter examines the constitutional role of parties and partisanship. We begin by sketching a conception of constitutionalism as a mechanism for finding an equilibrium between different social interests. Appealing as this ideal of moderation has long been for many, we highlight its limits as a basis for democracy and progressive change. A desirable constitutional model must make space for political conflict and immoderation, and as we go on to argue, partisans and the associations they form are an important foundation for this. The final section connects these observations to the contemporary political world, in particular to the state of parties today and to some of the misplaced anxieties about ‘polarisation’ they give rise to.
This paper examines why, some 25 years beyond the Belfast-Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland (NI) remains a highly polarised society despite the return of devolution (in February 2024) after a 2-year hiatus. Using the theoretical lens of social capital, it draws on the Northern Ireland Life and Times survey and the World Values survey (the latter conducted for the first time in NI) to examine levels of trust as a pre-requisite to reconciliation between the two main communities. The research finds a high degree of trust towards people of another religion and limited affective polarisation across the main political parties. Yet government community relations policies appear to have had limited impact over time and may contribute to ‘bad social capital’ through bonding within communities at the expense of ‘the other’. The paper considers tackling social and economic inequalities, common to both communities, as a means of bridging social capital.
Neutral and singly ionised states of the magnesium (Mg) are the origin of several spectral lines that are useful for solar diagnostic purposes. An important element in modelling such solar lines is collisional data of the Mg with different perturbers abundant in the Sun, specially with neutral hydrogen. This work aims at providing complete depolarisation and polarisation and population transfer data for Mg II due to collisions with hydrogen atoms. For this purpose, a general formalism is employed to calculate the needed rates of MgII due to collisions with hydrogen atoms. The resulting collisional rates are then employed to investigate the impact of collisions on the polarisation of 25 Mg II lines relevant to solar applications by solving the governing statistical equilibrium equations within multi-level and multi-term atomic models. We find that the polarisation of some Mg II lines starts to be sensitive to collisions for hydrogen density $n_H \!\gtrsim\!$ 10$^{14}$ cm$^{-3}$.
We conducted a study on the X-ray polarisation properties of MCG-5-23-16 by analysing long-term monitoring data from NuSTAR jointly with IXPE observations made in May and November 2022. The re-analysis of IXPE data gives model-dependent polarisation degree, PD (%) = $1.08\pm0.66$ in the energy band 2–8 keV, which agrees with previous studies within error bars. The model-independent analysis of PD poses an upper limit of $\leq3.8$ ($1\sigma$ level) for the same energy band. The observed upper limit of PD, along with broadband spectral analysis (2–79 keV) using an accretion-ejection based model, allowed us to derive the corona geometry (i.e. radius and height) and the accretion disc inclination ($\sim33^\circ$). Additional NuSTAR observations were also analysed to gain insights into the accretion flow properties of the source and to estimate the expected polarisation during those epochs with PD $\sim 4.3\%$. The radius and height of the corona varies between $28.2\pm3.1 - 39.8\pm4.6$ r$_s$ and $14.3\pm1.7-21.4\pm1.9$ r$_s$ respectively, with a mass outflow rate from the corona measuring $0.14\pm0.03-0.2\pm0.03$ Eddington rate ($\dot m_{\mathrm{Edd}}$). The estimated PD values were nearly constant up to a certain radial distance and height of the corona and then decreased for increasing corona geometry. The spectral analysis further provided an estimate for the mass of the central black hole $\sim2\times 10^7$ M$_\odot$ and the velocity of the outflowing gas $\sim0.16-0.19c$. A comparative broadband spectral study using reflection-based models estimates the disc inclination between $\sim 31^\circ\pm8^\circ-45^\circ\pm7^\circ$, and yields an expected PD of 3.4–6.0%. We also found a weak reflection fraction and a less ionised distant reflecting medium. The expected PD measured using accretion-ejection and reflection models is less compared to the expected PD measured for a given disc inclination of $45^\circ$. Our modelling of the disc-corona-outflows and polarisation connection can be extended and validated with data from the recently launched XPoSat, India’s first X-ray Polarimeter Satellite, offering potential applications to other sources.
This Element aims to provide an overview of Thai politics with an up-to-date discussion of the characteristics of political regimes, political economy, and identity and mobilization that are grounded in historical analysis stretching back to the formation of the modern nation state. The thematic topics will focus on a) the chronic instability and ever-changing nature of political regimes resulting in the failure of democratic consolidation, b) the nexus of business and politics sustained by a patrimonial state structure, patronage politics and political corruption, and c) the contestation of identity and the causes and consequences of mass mobilization in the civic space and street politics.
This study investigates the relationship between occupational skills and wages in Thailand using the Labour Force Survey from 1985 to 2020. We quantify the contribution of changes in the skill requirement and highlight the increase in the return on the ‘brain’ and the decrease in the penalty on ‘brawn’, which helps explain the wage distribution changes across periods. We further explore the polarisation in the labour market and analyse the changes in the wage distribution by applying the decomposition method proposed by Firpo et al (2009). Our results suggest that wage dispersion increases in the top end over the first two time periods but decreases in the third time period, while it continues to decrease in the lower end of the distribution.
Human cystic echinococcosis (CE) is a zoonotic disorder triggered by the larval stage of Echinococcus granulosus (E. granulosus) and predominantly occurred in the liver and lungs. The M2 macrophage level is considerably elevated among the liver of patients with hepatic CE and performs an integral function in liver fibrosis. However, the mechanism of CE inducing polarisation of macrophage to an M2 phenotype is unknown. In this study, macrophage was treated with E. granulosus cyst fluid (EgCF) to explore the mechanism of macrophage polarisation. Consequently, the expression of the M2 macrophage and production of anti-inflammatory cytokines increased after 48 h treatment by EgCF. In addition, EgCF promoted polarisation of macrophage to an M2 phenotype by inhibiting the expression of transcriptional factor hypoxia-inducible factor 1-alpha (HIF-1α), which increased the expression of glycolysis-associated genes, including hexokinase 2 (HK2) and pyruvate kinase 2 (PKM2). The HIF-1α agonist ML228 also inhibited the induction of macrophage to an M2 phenotype by EgCF in vitro. Our findings indicate that E. granulosus inhibits glycolysis by suppressing the expression of HIF-1α.
The historiography on Uruguay during the Cold War has identified the period 1959–62 as a key juncture in the process of political polarisation that culminated in the fall of democracy in 1973. Based on the analysis of press articles and other documentary sources, I describe the role played by the main fraction of the Partido Colorado (Red Party) led by Luis Batlle Berres in promoting polarisation of the Uruguayan political system in those years. My findings contradict the conventional depiction of Batlle Berres as a moderate who tried to prevent the polarisation provoked by other agents.
This article assesses the challenges that university-level teachers of modern British political history currently face in what is often described as a ‘post-truth’ and polarised political environment. It argues that, whilst these challenges do not always present entirely new pedagogical considerations, the sociocultural and political terrain in Britain today requires careful navigation, particularly in an academic field which addresses recent historical topics that are routinely politicised and contested in contemporary discourse. Although there is a lack of scholarly literature on the topic of teaching modern British political history in a higher education setting, this article draws upon a wide array of educational studies to map out the contours of a successful pedagogical strategy that could facilitate ‘deep’ learning in the current contextual environment. To this end, it suggests that by utilising modern British political history's interdisciplinary foundations, applying teaching techniques that help students to explore topics from multiple viewpoints, devising new and stimulating interactive tasks, and capitalising on the opportunities afforded by the Internet age, learning can be enhanced and many of the more academically problematic features and characteristics of the current political climate can be counteracted.
The Australian SKA Pathfinder (ASKAP) radio telescope has carried out a survey of the entire Southern Sky at 887.5 MHz. The wide area, high angular resolution, and broad bandwidth provided by the low-band Rapid ASKAP Continuum Survey (RACS-low) allow the production of a next-generation rotation measure (RM) grid across the entire Southern Sky. Here we introduce this project as Spectral and Polarisation in Cutouts of Extragalactic sources from RACS (SPICE-RACS). In our first data release, we image 30 RACS-low fields in Stokes I, Q, U at 25$^{\prime\prime}$ angular resolution, across 744–1032 MHz with 1 MHz spectral resolution. Using a bespoke, highly parallelised, software pipeline we are able to rapidly process wide-area spectro-polarimetric ASKAP observations. Notably, we use ‘postage stamp’ cutouts to assess the polarisation properties of 105912 radio components detected in total intensity. We find that our Stokes Q and U images have an rms noise of $\sim$80 $\unicode{x03BC}$Jy PSF$^{-1}$, and our correction for instrumental polarisation leakage allows us to characterise components with $\gtrsim$1% polarisation fraction over most of the field of view. We produce a broadband polarised radio component catalogue that contains 5818 RM measurements over an area of $\sim$1300 deg$^{2}$ with an average error in RM of $1.6^{+1.1}_{-1.0}$ rad m$^{-2}$, and an average linear polarisation fraction $3.4^{+3.0}_{-1.6}$ %. We determine this subset of components using the conditions that the polarised signal-to-noise ratio is $>$8, the polarisation fraction is above our estimated polarised leakage, and the Stokes I spectrum has a reliable model. Our catalogue provides an areal density of $4\pm2$ RMs deg$^{-2}$; an increase of $\sim$4 times over the previous state-of-the-art (Taylor, Stil, Sunstrum 2009, ApJ, 702, 1230). Meaning that, having used just 3% of the RACS-low sky area, we have produced the 3rd largest RM catalogue to date. This catalogue has broad applications for studying astrophysical magnetic fields; notably revealing remarkable structure in the Galactic RM sky. We will explore this Galactic structure in a follow-up paper. We will also apply the techniques described here to produce an all-Southern-sky RM catalogue from RACS observations. Finally, we make our catalogue, spectra, images, and processing pipeline publicly available.
This article brings three decades of broadly consistent survey data on survey respondents’ feelings about the parties as evidence of affective polarization. It also presents evidence about policy differences among the parties and makes an explicit link between elite and mass data with multilevel modelling. The article shows that affective polarization is real and also demonstrates its connection to the ideological landscape. But it also shows that conceptual categories originating in the United States must be adapted to Canada's multiparty system and to the continuing contrasts between Quebec and the rest of Canada. It suggests that accounts of Canada's twentieth-century party system may not apply to the twenty-first century.
The chapter shows that Brazilians’ attitudes towards Lava Jato became increasingly divided and more negative over time. Attitudes towards the crusade are sensitive to partisan preferences, especially affect for the Workers’ Party. Results thus point to the precarity of optimism and the importance of voters’ priors in assessing prosecutorial zeal. The chapter also relies on an experiment to investigate whether putting crusades at the forefront of narratives of Brazilian corruption elicits optimism, compared to narratives that focus exclusively on corruption. The results show that when voters fixate on the crimes they are more likely to experience negative emotions and more likely to be dissatisfied with democracy. However,the crime-oriented narrative also increases respondents’ external efficacy, whereas the investigation-oriented one has the opposite effect. This suggests that the attitudinal impact of Lava Jato is far from being uniformly in line with the optimistic story. Under certain conditions, pessimists might be right in warning that crusaders’ anti-political message does more harm than good to the view that politics is redeemable.
A number of reports have shown that workers with certain characteristics are disproportionately affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Since these characteristics are associated with vulnerable workers, we hypothesise that the income distribution in the pandemic era will be polarised compared to the pre-pandemic period. This article compares the pre-COVID income distribution (February 2020) with the one that prevailed just after the hard lockdown (April 2020). Consistent with the hypothesis, the result shows evidence of polarisation. Disaggregating the analysis by worker characteristics, we find that the polarisation was stronger in vulnerable groups. Our decomposition result suggests that, apart from job losses, returns to gender and job characteristics explain the location and shape differences in the COVID-19 era income distribution. Although this analysis only looks at the short-term effect of the pandemic on income distribution, the result suggests that the structure of labour markets in developing countries is not conducive to a future of work where disruptions (or pandemics) may become more frequent.
The story of Abed provides context for considering the importance of attending to complexity. Abed identified his problem as needing asylum. His story illustrates that the ‘overwhelmingness’ of severe forms of adversity can lead to oversimplification and polarised perceptions where refugees are seen as ‘traumatised’ or ‘resilient’, ‘dangerous’ or ‘vulnerable’ and those working with them as ‘omnipotent’ or ‘impotent’.‘Discerning complexity’ means appreciation that reality includes both polarised positions, and much more.Abed recognised how he and agencies he had encountered had co-constructed a ‘trauma narrative’, an oversimplified picture of himself as damaged and vulnerable. His trauma story had become his identity story, a ‘narrative passport’. In therapy he became aware of important events and experiences excluded from this story and of how he had been able to retain many previous strengths as well as developing new ones.The ‘Adversity Grid’ is outlined as a framework for grasping the wider consequences of exposureto adversity, and ‘synergic therapeutic complexity’ as aperspective that enables caregivers to connect their own strengths with those of their beneficiaries.
Most of our understanding of the location and nature of the beamed emission comes from the pulse profiles, which are available over the whole electromagnetic spectrum. The radio profiles are the most detailed, with observations of polarisation, width and components.
Despite the extensive knowledge of the characteristics of the coherent radio emission, the mechanism is not understood. The high-energy radiation is incoherent and may be related to the flux of relativistic electrons and positrons in a current sheet at the boundary of the magnetosphere. The radio emission from the polar cap is at lower frequency at larger radii, as the magnetic field lines diverge. The emission may be affected by propagation through the polar cap; refraction along the magnetic field lines may increase the apparent pulse width at lower frequencies.
How is policy implementation affected by increased polarisation and extreme shifts in politics? In order to address this question, the paper focuses on frontline workers’ (street-level bureaucrats’) interpretations of political shifts and how these are then translated into practice. Building on ethnographic fieldwork conducted among social workers in Northeast Brazil, the paper proposes a theoretical framework for analysing the influence of political landscapes on policy implementation by foregrounding the political processes in which these agents play a critical role. Drawing on empirical data, the paper proposes ideal types of possible outcomes of translation practices – counterbalance, collaboration, resistance – that function as a guiding framework for future research.
Why have citizens become increasingly polarised? One answer is that there is increasing identification with political parties – a process known as partisanship. This chapter focuses on the role that social identity and partisanship play in contemporary politics. Partisan identities influence political preferences, such that partisans are more likely to agree with policies that were endorsed by their political party, regardless of the policy content, and, in some cases, their own ideological beliefs. We will describe how partisanship mirrors other forms of social identity, both behaviourally and in the brain. However, partisanship also has distinct biological origins, and consequences in political domains such as fake news sharing, conspiracy theory beliefs, and voting behaviour. Our chapter focuses on the psychology and neuroscience of partisanship within broader sociopolitical contexts.
Today’s information environment is drastically different from the heyday of print and broadcast, but these changes exceed the scope of researchers’ agendas. More is known now than when these technologies were in their infancy, yet efforts to understand the implications of changing communication technology for media effects have produced mixed findings, limiting progress towards cohesive and generalisable theoretical explanations. A literature review suggests one reason for this is that media effects scholarship has often neglected insights from political psychology and information processing, contributing to a lack of theoretical coherence across these bodies of work. Though research thoroughly examines directional motivations dictating media choice and exposure, it does not equally consider other cognitive biases driving choice, exposure, and processing, which can offset effects from the structural aspects of digital media. Given ample evidence that communication technology influences information processing, any viable, contemporary explanation of media effects must reconcile with these literatures.