Employing autoethnography to examine two sets of texts, I present an understanding of voice politics. The first set includes all published addresses by CPSA presidents. In these texts, I identify dominant narratives about what political science is and who political scientists are. I also identify a tradition of some presidents expanding the discipline by giving voice to the marginalized and oppressed. The second set of texts comes from my family. Exploring several family stories reveals a disconnect between dominant concepts and themes within our discipline and experiences of human suffering, resistance and resilience. This disconnect clarifies my motivations for pursuing studies in political science and employing political science skills as acts of solidarity. Exploring these texts in parallel helps me clarify what, in my view, should be the fundamental concerns of political science: humans, their relationships of domination and subordination and the voices of those who suffer oppression and seek liberation.

In the past five years, there has been a striking increase in the number of people experiencing homelessness, including unsheltered homelessness, across Canada (Infrastructure Canada, 2024). Facing this growing crisis, local governments are changing and expanding their responses. An important innovation is tiny homes, a form of deeply affordable and supportive housing for people leaving homelessness. In this brief article, I ask what explains local government's increased leadership and innovation with respect to homelessness and housing crises. Drawing on interviews and document analysis regarding the development of a tiny homes community in a mid-sized BC municipality, I identify three factors that have contributed to local government's policy innovation: 1) local officials are keenly aware of the inadequacies of federal and provincial responses and of the need for alternative approaches; 2) they hold important resources, notably local knowledge and land; and 3) they are facing pressure to respond from citizens and service providers.

Canada is regarded as an early adopter of democratic innovations, including the high-profile BC Citizens’ Assembly on Electoral Reform. To what extent has Canada maintained this trajectory? We examine this in the context of breadth and depth by examining trends in adoption over time across Canada and case-level adoption according to the dimensions of influence and temporality. While case studies of Canadian democratic innovations exist, these do not provide analytical capacity to understand trends in the breadth of adoption; we thus contribute a novel dataset of democratic innovations in Canada from 2000 to 2020. To analyze the depth of adoption, we present a two-by-three framework, which we apply to interpret our dataset of Canadian democratic innovations. We find that while there is an increase in the total number of democratic innovations, a low quantity is observed that exhibits high influence and permanence.

This article defends grounded normative theory (GNT) as a more appropriate methodology to tackle questions of territorial justice in settler states over the dominant approach in territorial rights theory. I contrast the central aims and methodological commitments of territory theories and GNT: the former are engaged in an ideal, conceptual project primarily directed at other liberals, while the latter is oriented towards addressing injustices through deep engagement with the narratives and power relations that normalize them. I then outline three limitations of the territorial rehabilitation project undertaken by territory theorists that result from their failure to engage the robust critical and empirical literatures on settler colonialism. Finally, I sketch how GNT can reorient the territorial rehabilitation project towards decolonization.

Une littérature importante en politique canadienne porte sur le(s) régionalisme(s) à l’échelle du pays, mais les dynamiques régionales intraprovinciales demeurent sous-étudiées. Dans cet article, nous analysons la géographie politique de l'opinion publique au Québec, où l'accent a été mis sur le « mystère de Québec », selon lequel la région de Québec se distingue du reste de la province, par exemple, en affichant des tendances conservatrices plus marquées. Nous produisons l'analyse la plus détaillée à ce jour des variations régionales des attitudes politiques au Québec, en comparant l'électorat de treize régions. Nos résultats mettent en évidence des variations régionales importantes tout en précisant et nuançant notre compréhension du « mystère de Québec ». Par exemple, la région est plus conservatrice sur la dimension économique et moins favorable à l'indépendance du Québec, mais pas plus conservatrice sur les attitudes culturelles. Nous concluons en offrant une perspective renouvelée sur les études régionales, suggérant l'existence d'autres « mystères » régionaux au moins aussi importants.

Dans la littérature existante, les auteurs associent l'absence et la non-récurrence des intrusions militaires dans le champ politique à la peur des sanctions d'un éventuel échec, à des nominations militaires sélectives sur la base identitaire, à la mise en place de contrepoids militaires, à l'institutionnalisation d'un régime de privilèges militaires et au sens de professionnalisme de l'armée. Partant du postulat que les militaires sont des acteurs rationnels dont la loyauté et la fidélité peuvent évoluer en fonction des conjonctures et des « fenêtres d'opportunités » qui se présentent à eux, cet article montre que ces facteurs ont un pouvoir explicatif limité et soutient qu'une surveillance efficace – aussi bien des militaires que des acteurs sociopolitiques qui peuvent leur donner un prétexte d'intrusion dans le champ politique – est le facteur déterminant. Au-delà de la non-occurrence du coup d’État, cette explication contribue à la littérature sur les stratégies de survie autoritaire. Cette littérature met un accent exclusif sur la répression, la cooptation et la légitimation ; or, la surveillance s'entremêle avec ces stratégies, et ce sont leurs effets combinés qui créent les conditions de la persistance autoritaire.

The rarely examined committees of the Senate of Canada offer interesting insights into the Senate as a whole, particularly following the 2016 reforms to the institution. While discussion of House of Commons committees often emphasizes them as separate and different from the larger chamber, Senate committees mirror the dynamics of the overall Senate; looking at them tells us a lot about the Senate itself. Through qualitative research and in-depth interviews about committees with senators, this article finds both contrast and continuity in the Senate and its committees.

Malgré l'attention accordée à l'enjeu de la mésinformation au cours des dernières années, peu d’études ont examiné l'appui des citoyens pour les mesures visant à y faire face. À l'aide de données récoltées lors des élections québécoises de 2022 et de modèles par blocs récursifs, cet article montre que l'appui aux interventions contre la mésinformation est élevé en général, mais que les individus ayant une idéologie de droite, appuyant le Parti conservateur du Québec et n'ayant pas confiance dans les médias et les scientifiques sont plus susceptibles de s'y opposer. Ceux qui ne sont pas préoccupés par l'enjeu, priorisent la protection de la liberté d'expression ou adhèrent aux fausses informations y sont aussi moins favorables. Les résultats suggèrent que dépolitiser l'enjeu de la mésinformation et travailler à renforcer la confiance envers les institutions pourraient augmenter la légitimité perçue et l'efficacité de notre réponse face à la mésinformation.

The Canada-wide Early Learning and Child Care Plan promises to help low-income parents, especially women, participate in the economy. But even under this plan, care will be too expensive for many families. Several provinces offer targeted subsidies to reduce fees—unfortunately, these benefits are often hard to access and their popularity with voters is unclear. Using a pre-registered survey experiment (N=821), this research note investigates support for a hypothetical child care supplement to help low-income families. Overall, we find strong support for such an initiative, but little enthusiasm to pay for it through new income taxes. We then manipulate the ease of accessing this benefit. We find little evidence that burdensome child care benefits are more popular than easily accessible benefits. If anything, burdensome benefits reduce support. We then briefly consider how partisanship influences support. We conclude with timely recommendations for government and discuss the need for accessible child care benefits.

For the Saskatchewan Party (SKP), identifying with the Western populist tradition was essential to both its creation and initial electoral viability, leading many political commentators to regularly refer to the SKP as a right-wing populist party. Yet scholars have been much more reticent to classify the SKP as an authentically Canadian populist party in the style of the Reform Party of Canada. Part of this disconnect is a result of the SKP's uneven and opportunistic use of populism throughout its history. Indeed, this article argues that the SKP's initial commitment to populism was largely performative, embraced to fend off the challenge of a potential provincial Reform Party. Once the utility of the SKP's performative populism threatened its electoral viability, most of the party's symbolic nods to populism were abandoned. Yet, more recently, the SKP has embraced a new form of populism that merges its pro-business support for the region's oil and gas industry with right-wing policies that are often linked to its rural base. This form of populism, defined as extractive populism, demonstrates that the SKP continues to use populist discourse opportunistically when its right-wing base is threatened.

Despite their numerous advantages, exit polls are not a common tool in the study of Canadian electoral behaviour. In this methodological note, we use data from two pilot projects to test small-scale exit polls’ accuracy when estimating party support. We mobilize exit-polling data collected in the 2018 Quebec provincial election (four voting locations) and the 2019 federal election in Quebec (two voting locations). We focus on chance error and bias error in small samples. Results obtained using parametric linear models suggest that small sample exit polls achieve relatively precise estimations. We do find, however, that right-of-the-centre parties’ vote share tends to be underestimated. These findings shed light on the strengths and shortcomings of small-scale exit polls in Canada.

Limited academic career prospects are pushing PhD graduates in political science and other disciplines to nonacademic careers. Understanding the mismatch between student and supervisor perceptions of doctoral career training is a starting point for suggesting program reforms. This research note examines the perceptions of PhD students and supervisors on doctoral career training. We compare results from two surveys of English-speaking Canadian universities on doctoral political science programs; one surveys PhD students and the other surveys supervisors. These survey results suggest that 1) students are more aware of the limited academic job market and interested in nonacademic careers than supervisors realize; 2) supervisors are unaware of the sunk costs PhD students face; 3) supervisors and students have different preferences for change in doctoral programs; and 4) students overestimate supervisors’ confidence in preparing them for nonacademic careers. Changes in program design can better meet student needs in these PhD programs.