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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 November 2024
A new daily ritual, commonly called the Salve Mass or Lady Mass, rapidly grew throughout the British Isles in the High Middle Ages inspiring new festive chants. John Harper's introduction to Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary establishes the sources of the Lady Mass in its fully developed form in the late Use of Salisbury and earlier related sources. Yet the Marian Mass collections in insular graduals, missals and non-liturgical sources identified in this article exhibit significant local adaptations not assigned in Salisbury Ordinals. I argue that extant Marian Kyries, alleluias and offertories contained in thirteenth-century insular liturgical sources of the Mass of the Virgin Mary are evidence of the daily Lady Mass. A study of chant variants and sources demonstrates the insular circulation of some of these chants outside of sources replicating the Lady Mass at Salisbury. The insular repertory of Marian Mass music, examined here for the first time with concordances in fragmentary and non-liturgical collections, reveals a lively exchange of repertory and compositional techniques between insular monastic and secular churches. This regionally developed, decentralised ritual had an important impact on music composition and transmission in the British Isles in the thirteenth century.
I thank the many people who assisted with this article including the anonymous readers, Alison Altstatt, Cara Aspesi, Tova Choate, Katie Bugyis, Margot Fassler and Anne Yardley.
1 ‘This Abbot William of happy memory, seeing that the Mass of the Blessed Virgin was solemnly sung daily in all the noble [chief] churches of England, constituted a Mass of the Blessed Virgin solemnly celebrated with music daily, with the consent and blessing of the whole community.’ Henry T. Riley, ed., Gesta abbatum monasterii Sancti Albani, 3 vols. (London, 1965), 1:284–5. For the translation of ‘nobilibus’ as ‘chief’, see James G. Clark, ed., The Deeds of the Abbots of St Albans, trans. David Preest (Woodbridge, 2019), 407.
2 On Henry's support for this project, promoted by Matthew Paris, see Lewis, Suzanne, ‘Henry III and the Gothic Rebuilding of Westminster Abbey: The Problematics of Context’, Traditio, 50 (1995), 129–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 On the Marian Office at Winchcombe and St Albans, see Roper, Sally Elizabeth, Medieval English Benedictine Liturgy: Studies in the Formation, Structure, and Content of the Monastic Votive Office, c.950–1540 (New York, 1993), 96–103Google Scholar. The Lady Mass was related to but distinct from the Saturday Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary sung at the high altar across the medieval West. See John Harper, ‘Introduction’, in Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary: As Observed Daily in the Lady Chapel and Weekly in the Choir According to the Use in Salisbury, ed. Sally Harper, Matthew Cheung Salisbury and John Harper, Early English Church Music 59 (London, 2019), xiii–lxxxv, at xiii.
4 Throughout this article I employ ‘Lady Mass’ to refer to a Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary sung daily after Prime at an altar dedicated to Mary, although the terms ‘Lady Mass’ and ‘Salve Mass’ were not commonly employed until the sixteenth century. See early evidence of insular Lady Chapels in Draper, Peter, ‘Seeing That It Was Done in All the Noble Churches in England’, in Medieval Architecture and Its Intellectual Context. Studies in Honour of Peter Kidson, ed. Fernie, Eric and Crossley, Paul (London, 1990), 137–42Google Scholar. Roger Bowers's important scholarship on choral institutions in England demonstrates the role these daily Lady Mass musicians played in larger institutions after 1300. Bowers, Roger, ‘The Musicians of the Lady Chapel of Winchester Cathedral Priory, 1402–1539’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 45 (1994), 210–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bowers, Roger, ‘The Musicians and Liturgy of the Lady Chapels of the Monastery Church, c.1235–1540’, in Westminster Abbey: The Lady Chapel of Henry VII, ed. Tatton-Brown, Tim and Mortimer, Richard (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2003), 33–57Google Scholar.
5 On the development of the Salisbury Ordinals, see Pfaff, Richard William, The Liturgy in Medieval England: A History (Cambridge, 2009), 412ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. Several institutions adopted the Use of Salisbury before the late 1300s, but the sources exhibit more local adaptation, especially in the Sanctorale and, as I argue here, the Commemorative Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Nigel Morgan, ‘The Sanctorals of Early Sarum Missals and Breviaries, c. 1250–1350’, in The Study of Medieval Manuscripts of England: Festschrift in Honor of Richard W. Pfaff, ed. George Hardin Brown and Linda E Voigts (Tempe, Arizona, 2010), 143–62; Sherry L. Reames, ‘Unexpected Texts for Saints in Some Sarum Breviary Manuscripts’, in The Study of Medieval Manuscripts of England, ed. Brown and Voigts, 163–84.
6 Robertson, Anne Walters, Guillaume de Machaut and Reims: Context and Meaning in His Musical Works (Cambridge, 2002), 24 and 38Google Scholar.
7 John Harper's recent introduction examines the insular sources before 1200, then the Salisbury sources after the institution of the daily Lady Mass in 1225, ending with the printed Sarum missals of the early sixteenth century. Harper, ‘Introduction’, xiii–lxxxv.
8 Peter Lefferts observed a similar repertory of cantilena and sequence-form polyphony for the daily Lady Mass in Lefferts, Peter M., ‘Cantilena and Antiphon: Music for Marian Services in Late Medieval England’, Current Musicology, 45–7 (1989), 247–82Google Scholar.
9 Desmond, Karen, ‘W. de Wicumbe's Rolls and Singing the Alleluya ca. 1250’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 73 (2020), 639–709CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Desmond's argument that ‘W. de Wic.’ is W. de Wicumbe is convincing, but see Christopher Hohler, ‘Reflections on Some Manuscripts Containing 13th-Century Polyphony’, Journal of the Plainsong & Mediæval Music Society, 1 (1978), 2–38.
10 The term ‘tropes’ includes Latin-texted Kyries, also known as Kyrie verses, because they were held in the same collections as Sanctus and Agnus Dei tropes, although early Kyrie melodies were composed with their verses. Jack Stebbing examines two Marian contrafacta discussed here, concluding that they demonstrate a creative network across England and northern France. I argue here that this network was primarily insular and closely tied to the Lady Mass. Jack Stebbing, ‘New Evidence from Shrewsbury on the Creation and Circulation of Music in High-Medieval England’, Plainsong & Medieval Music, 33/1 (2024), 21–61. Since the Marian sequence repertory is vast and leaves few rubrical or codicological clues to their assignment to daily Lady Masses, it is not part of this study, but see Leffert's argument that the new Marian repertory emerged for the daily Lady Mass in Lefferts, ‘Cantilena and Antiphon’.
11 Legg, J. Wickham, ed., The Sarum Missal: Edited from Three Early Manuscripts (Oxford, 1916)Google Scholar.
12 Morgan, ‘The Sanctorals’, 150; David Hiley, ‘The Ordinary of Mass Chants and the Sequences’, Journal of the Plainsong & Mediæval Music Society, 4 (1981), 67–80. Hiley writes, ‘Although following on from, and copied in the same hand as, a Sarum noted missal, [the Kyriale and Sequentiary] is in no sense a Sarum collection’ (p. 68).
13 Hiley observed the close concordances between the Kyriale and Sequentiary of London Missal and the Marian Mass collection in W1 in Hiley, ‘The Ordinary of Mass Chants’, 69.
14 Dates in Table 1 are those given in Morgan, ‘The Sanctorals’ and K.D. Hartzell, Catalogue of Manuscripts Written or Owned in England up to 1200 Containing Music (Woodbridge, UK; Rochester, NY, 2006). The sources in the list are those identified as insular in origin, copied before 1400 and including additional alleluias beyond Alleluya. Post partum and Alleluya. Per te dei.
15 The ‘Old’ Salisbury Ordinal was certainly made in Salisbury in the early fourteenth century, but likely reflects an exemplar made in the early thirteenth century, with some revisions. The Bedwyn Gradual (GB-Cu add. 8333) was owned by the church of Bedwyn in the diocese of Salisbury. Harper, ‘Introduction’, xlvi–xlvii. Morgan accepts the Salisbury origin of the Cicestre Missal in ‘The Sanctorals’, 148. For a comparison of the Commemorative Masses in these sources see Harper, ‘Introduction’, l–li.
16 Harper notes that Salisbury Per annum Mass drew Propers principally from the vigil, feast and Octave of the Assumption, with the exception of the alleluia rotation for the daily Lady Mass. Harper, ‘Introduction’, lvi.
17 Ibid., liv.
18 Lefferts, ‘Cantilena and Antiphon’.
19 Hiley's assessment of the trope concordances with W1 only considered textual concordances of tropes, and thus omitted several shared melodies between their collections. Hiley, ‘The Ordinary of Mass Chants’, 71–2.
20 Hiley missed the trope concordance in the London Missal because it was with a different Sanctus melody, but found concordances in a York Gradual and I-Ass 695, discussed further later. Hiley, ‘The Ordinary of Mass Chants’, 72.
21 Lefferts, ‘Cantilena and Antiphon’, 254, n. 24.
22 Throughout this article I distinguish between ‘Salisbury sources’, which originated in Salisbury, and sources in the ‘Salisbury family’, which reflect the core of the Use of Salisbury but were locally adapted.
23 Harper uses this book as evidence of the Salisbury Kyrie assignments. Harper, ‘Introduction’, lv.
24 ‘quando placuerit’. GB-Ob Rawl. Lit. d.3, fols. 43v–44r.
25 Although the alelluias were not copied in the order of the Salisbury weekly rotation, a later rubricator added ‘’feria vi et in commem’. GB-AB 15536E, fol. 325r.
26 Though Alleluya. Virga florem shared an incipit with an Alleluya in W1, the text is not the same.
27 For a discussion of the insular prosulated alleluia, including this setting in W1, see Desmond, ‘W. de Wicumbe's Rolls’, 691 n. 81.
28 On the connection between chant variants in Évreux, Rouen and Sarum sources on the one hand, and Noyon, Compiégne, Corbie, Saint-Denis and Winchester on the other, see David Hiley, ‘Thurstan of Caen and Plainchant at Glastonbury: Musicological Reflections on the Norman Conquest’, Proceedings of the British Academy, 72 (1986), 57–90, at 62–3 and 88. Both Alleluya. Salve virgo and Alleluya. Dulcis virgo were also copied in a set of seven alleluyas ‘De Sancta Maria’ without music in the Fontevraud Gradual (F-LG 2, fols. 284v–285v).
29 Of the forty-one other missals and graduals in French libraries with Commemoratives Masses surveyed for this study, Alleluya. Salve virgo only appears in large alleluia collections in the addition at the front of BnF NAL 1235, fols. 2r–8v (Nevers), and the fourteenth-century sources F-Lm 26, fols. 160v–171r (Lille), F-AN 1901 no. 6, fols. 1r–12v (of unknown provenance). Alleluya. Dulcis virgo appears in large alleluia collections in the addition to BnF NAL 1235 fol. 2r (Nevers) and the fourteenth-century sources in F-T 155 fol. 147r (of unknown provenance), F-AM 159 fol. 315v (Ameins), and F-R 289 fol. 8v (Rouen). The thirteenth-century Jumiéges Gradual F-R 250 does not have a Commemorative Mass but includes both contrafacta on the Vigil of the Assumption (fol. 200r). The thirteenth-century Rouen Missal (BnF Lat. 904) similarly lacks a Commemorative Mass but includes Alleluya. Dulcis virgo in the octave of the Assumption (fol. 219v).
30 As Harper demonstrated, the late fourteenth-century ‘New’ Salisbury Ordinals (GB-SB 175 and GB-Occc 44) assign Alleluya. Salve virgo to Friday in the weekly rotation of Lady Masses and for all Saturday Commemorative Masses at the high altar Per annum. Harper, ‘Introduction’, liv.
31 On the dating of this gradual, see Anne Mannion, ‘Liturgy and Chant in a Twelfth-Century Exeter Missal’, Plainsong & Medieval Music, 28 (2019), 115–32.
32 Schlager numbers refer to the catalogue by Karlheinz Schlager: Thematischer Katalog der ältesten Alleluya-Melodien aus Handschriften des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts: ausgenommen das ambrosianische, alt-römische und alt-spanische Repertoire, Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft 2 (Munich, 1965). See http://cantusindex.org/melodies-schlager.
33 Harper gives the weekly rotation from the Ordinals in Harper, ‘Introduction’, liv.
34 GB-Ob Rawl. lit. d.3, fol. 44r.
35 Although the alleluias were not copied in the order of the Salisbury weekly rotation, a later rubricator added ‘feria vi et in commem’ (GB-AB 15536E, fol. 325r).
36 The Salisbury Ordinals of the fourteenth century also designated Salve virgo for the Saturday Commemorative Mass Per annum outside Eastertide. This might imply, Harper suggests, that the Saturday Commemoration was influenced by the daily Lady Mass. Harper, ‘Introduction’, liv.
37 The Commemorative Mass of the Holy Cross was assigned to Friday by Alcuin (d. 804). On Alcuin's cycle of Masses see Jean Deshusses, ‘Les Messes d'Alcuin’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft, 14 (1972), 7–41. For examples of Alcuin's weekly cycles as reflected in pre-Conquest sources, see Roper, Medieval English Benedictine Liturgy, 41–2, 208.
38 Laurentia McLachlan, ed., The Ordinal and Customary of the Abbey of Saint Mary, York (St. John's College, Cambridge, Ms. D. 27), Henry Bradshaw Society 75 (London, 1936) 2:57.
39 Bishop Brewer (1224–44) established the daily Lady Mass. See George Oliver, ed., Monasticon Diocesis Exoniensis: Being a Collection of Records and Instruments Illustrating the Ancient Conventual, Collegiate and Eleemosynary Foundations in the Counties of Cornwall and Devon: With Historical Notices and a Supplement (Exeter, 1846), 55–6. Although the edition of the Exeter Ordinal was copied in the fifteenth century, the rubrics for the section on the Lady Mass claim that they were drawn up in the ordinal by Bishop Grandisson in 1337. John Neale Dalton, ed., Ordinale Exon. (Exeter Chapter ms. 3502 collated with Parker ms. 93): with two appendices from Trinity College, Cambridge ms. B.XI.16 and Exeter Chapter ms. 3625, Henry Bradshaw Society 38 (London, 1909), 2:474. See also Pfaff, The Liturgy in Medieval England, 399–400.
40 The ‘communem cursum’ including the Compassion on Friday should be followed weekly from the period after the octave of the Purification up to the feast of the Nativity, with exceptions for Eastertide and the octave of the Assumption. Dalton, Ordinale Exon. (Exeter Chapter ms. 3502 collated with Parker ms. 93.), 2:472–3. The assignments of alleluias to days of the week appear after Grandisson's rationale (at 474). Though the later redactor may have assigned the title ‘Compassion’ to Friday, no known sources of the Compassio of the Blessed Virgin Mary include these contrafacta of Dulce lignum. See Emily S. Thelen, ‘The Feast of the Seven Sorrows of the Virgin: Piety, Politics and Plainchant at the Burgundian-Habsburg Court’, Early Music History, 35 (2016): 261–307, at 273–82; Carol M. Schuler, ‘The Seven Sorrows of the Virgin: Popular Culture and Cultic Imagery in Pre-Reformation Europe’, Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art, 21 (1992): 5–28, at 7.
41 The numbering system used to describe melodies for the Mass chants in this article follows the same system as the Cantus Index: Melnicki number refers to the catalogue of Kyrie melodies in Margaretha Landwehr-Melnicki, Das Einstimmige Kyrie Des Lateinischen Mittelalters (Munich, 1954). Thannabaur number refers to the catalogue of Sanctus melodies in Peter Josef Thannabaur, Das Einstimmige Sanctus Der Römischen Messe in Der Handschriftlichen Uberlieferung Des 11. Bis 16. Jahrhundert, Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft (Munich, 1962). Schildbach number refers to the catalogue of Sanctus melodies in Martin Schildbach, Das Einstimmige Agnus Dei und Seine Handschriftliche Überlieferung Vom 10. Bis Zum 16. Jahrhundert (Erlangen, 1967). These catalogues were expanded significantly in David Hiley, ‘Ordinary of Mass Chants in English, North French and Sicilian Manuscripts’, Journal of the Plainsong & Mediæval Music Society, 9 (1986), 1–128. See http://cantusindex.org.
42 A late fourteenth-century hand added directions in GB-Lbl 1001 for Kyries with verses for reference, including Rex Virginum. By the late fifteenth century, some Sarum sources included a full weekly rotation of Kyrie melodies. See Harper, ‘Introduction’, lix. Harrison noted the dedicated festal troped Kyries for the Lady Mass sung without the verses in Frank Ll. Harrison, Music in Medieval Britain, Studies in the History of Music (London, 1958), 79.
43 For an overview of the hermeneutical function of tropes, see Andreas Haug, ‘Tropes’, in The Cambridge History of Medieval Music, ed. Mark Everist and Thomas Forrest Kelly, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 2018), 1:263–99. On Latin-texted Kyries, see Gunilla Iversen, Chanter Avec Les Anges: Poésie Dans La Messe Médiévale, Interprétations et Commentaires (Paris, 2001), 97–103, and in English translation in as Laus Angelica: Poetry in the Medieval Mass, ed. Jane Flynn, trans. William T. Flynn (Turnhout, 2010), 83–90.
44 Hiley, ‘The Ordinary of Mass Chants’.
45 For the Sarum rotation, see John Harper, Sally Harper and Matthew Cheung Salisbury, eds., Mass of the Blessed Virgin Mary: As Observed Daily in the Lady Chapel and Weekly in the Choir According to the Use in Salisbury, Early English Church Music 59 (London, 2019), 118.
46 The only continental liturgical sources to include Rex virginum before the 1400s are the Fontevraud Gradual, F-LG 2 and the troper I-Ass 695, which also seem to have received insular Marian alleluias.
47 Hiley, ‘The Ordinary of Mass Chants’, 69.
48 This study omits numerous polyphonic settings of Marian motets and cantilenas in insular sources because they are not clearly fixed to the Mass and omits a few polyphonic Kyries and alleluia settings because their chant tenors have not been identified.
49 On the dating of this section of W1, see Katherine Kennedy Steiner, ‘The Scribe of W1 and His Scottish Context’, Journal of Musicology, 38 (2021), 364–99, at 387. Roesner's dissertation remains the only critical edition of this collection. Edward H. Roesner, ‘The Manuscript Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, 628 Helmstadiensis: A Study of Its Origins and of Its Eleventh Fascicle’, Ph.D. diss., New York University (1974). On the relationship between copies of the magnus liber organi, see Craig M. Wright, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, 500–1550, Cambridge Studies in Music (Cambridge, 1989), 247–8 and the critical editions by Edward H. Roesner, gen. ed., Le Magnus Liber Organi de Notre-Dame de Paris, Musica Gallica (Monaco, 1993).
50 Roesner, ‘The Manuscript’, i, 348.
51 Julian Brown, Sonia Patterson and David Hiley, ‘Further Observations on W1’, Journal of the Plainsong & Mediæval Music Society, 4 (1981), 67–80.
52 Roesner's critical edition and dissertation remain the only repertorial study of these genres. Roesner, ‘The Manuscript’, i, 347–60 and ii.
53 Transcribed in Alan Coates, English Medieval Books: The Reading Abbey Collections from Foundation to Dispersal, Oxford Historical Monographs (Oxford, 1999), 81–2.
54 Desmond, ‘W. de Wicumbe's Rolls’, 640. A set of musical fragments in Ob Rawl. C. 400* (fols. 1–10) and Ob lat. liturg. b.19 (fol. 4) represents his scribal work at Leominster between 1245 and 1249. The list in GB-Lbl Harley 978, Desmond notes, was copied in the 1280s. Desmond, ‘W. de Wicumbe's Rolls’, 645 n. 17. The link between ‘W. de Wic’ credited in the Reading Abbey manuscript GB-Ob Bodley 125 and the ‘W. de Wicumbe’ written with the list of alleluias in GB-Lbl Harley 978 was initially proposed in Bertram Schofield, ‘The Provenance and Date of “Sumer Is Icumen In”’, Music Review, 9 (1948), 81–6.
55 Lefferts, ‘Cantilena and Antiphon’, 254 n. 48.
56 Helen Deeming and Jeremy Aknai, eds., Songs in British Sources, c.1150–1300, Musica Britannica, XCV (London, 2013), no. 104a & b. Stebbing suggests (‘New Evidence from Shrewsbury’, 51) that the Marian text is the parent chant, though it was added later in the copy from St Chads.
57 The additions in this section include charters dated up to 1332, and the music also likely copied in the early fourteenth century. See G.R.C. Davis, Medieval Cartularies of Great Britain and Ireland, ed. and rev. David M. Smith, Julian Harrison and Claire Breay (London, 2010), 210.
58 David Royce, ed., Landboc. Sive Registrum monasterii Beatae Mariae Virginis et Sancti Cénhelmi de Winchelcumba, in comitatu gloucestrensi, Ordinis sancti Benedicti. E codicibus mss. penes praenobilem dominum de Sherborne, 2 vols. (Exeter, 1892), 1:93.
59 William John Summers and Peter Lefferts, eds., English Thirteenth-Century Polyphony: A Facsimile Edition, Early English Church Music, 57 (London, 2016), 33.
60 Here ‘Marian hermeneutics’ are the interpretation of a biblical or liturgical text through a typology or theology of Mary.
61 Dolores Pesce compared this intertextual relationship between Alleluya. Dulce lignum and the Marian contrafactum, Alleluya. Dulcis virgo as it appears in a motet tenor, arguing that the Mary and cross relationship was known in northern France in the late thirteenth century. Dolores Pesce, ‘Beyond Glossing: The Old Make New in Mout Me Fu Grief/Robin m'aime/Portare’, in Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Oxford, 1998), 28–51, at 38–42.
62 Hiley, ‘Thurstan of Caen’, 64. Hiley includes Evreux in the Rouen-Salisbury group. Hiley, ‘Thurstan of Caen’, 63.
63 For the dating of the Rouen Missal, see Charles Samaran and Robert Marichal, Ouest de la France et pays de Loire, Catalogue des manuscrits en écriture latine portant des indications de date, de lieu ou de copiste (Paris, 1984), 7:281.
64 Hiley situates BnF NAL 1773 in the Rouen-Jumiéges grouping of alleluia variants following the Dijon reform. David Hiley, ‘The Norman Chant Traditions: Normandy, Britain, Sicily’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 107 (1980), 7.
65 F-Ab 7, fol. 201v and F-R 289, fol. 8v, and F-Lm 26, fol. 163v each present different variants on ‘pondera’ and ‘portare’.
66 On the English influence on I-Ass 695, see Emilie Julia Wingo Shinnick, ‘The Manuscript Assisi, Biblioteca Del Sacro Convento, Ms. 695: A Codicological and Repertorial Study’, unpublished Ph.D., University of Texas at Austin (1977), 145–72. On the grouping of Reims sources with the Corbie and Saint-Denis group, see Hiley, ‘The Norman Chant Traditions’, 2.
67 In GB-WO F 160, which has no Commemorative Masses, the Octave of the Assumption lists nine alleluias including v. Salve virgo, fol. 342v. In W1 the Notre Dame organum on v. Dulce lignum (fol. 29v) follows the Parisian chant version. In F-Pa 135 (fols. 161v–162r), ‘que sola’ and ‘regem’ follow the variants in GB-Mr 24, while ‘celorum’ follows GB-WO F 160.
68 The a is included in Alleluya. Dulcis virgo in the same manuscript.
69 BnF Lat. 1107 (Saint-Denis), fol. 237r. The Bec Gradual (BnF Lat. 1105) fol. 152r has still yet different variants at these key points. On these traditions and their influence in insular manuscripts, see Hiley, ‘The Norman Chant Traditions’, 1–33; Hiley, ‘Thurstan of Caen’, 57–90.
70 For an explanation of these prosulated alleluias in W1 and GB-Ob Rawl. d.1225, see Desmond, ‘W. de Wicumbe's Rolls’, 684–87 and 691.
71 Gunilla Iversen refers to examples from F-Pa 135 in her explanation the Trinitarian interpretation in Kyrie texts, and the Marian hermeneutic of the Trinity in another of the contrafacta in Lady Mass sources, Virginitatis amator (Melnicki no. 48). See Iversen, Chanter Avec Les Anges. Iversen, Laus Angelica. The translation in Table 8 is adapted from Mark Everist, Liner notes for ‘A Scottish Lady Mass: Sacred Music from Medieval St Andrews’, Red Byrd, John Potter, Richard Wistreich, Yorvox. Hyperion Records Limited CDA67299, 2005, compact disc.