In the following Bibliography, which continues that of J.H.S. xli. 50 ff., I attempt to deal with the publications of 1921 and 1922, though a few books and articles are noticed which, though they appeared in previous years, only came under my notice in the period in question. It must be borne in mind that periodicals sometimes fall into arrears, and thus the actual year of publication may be later than the nominal year as indicated in the title. I have seriously modified the geographical order hitherto followed in my Bibliographies so as to bring it into strict accord, so far as the inscriptions of Europe are concerned, with that of the Inscriptiones Graecae; for those of Asia and Africa I follow the order adopted in the C.I.G.

The mass of the relevant material has rendered necessary the utmost compression, and, while I have aimed at introducing some reference to every contribution to Greek epigraphical studies, I have found it impossible to summarise or to indicate the value of each. No mention is normally made of reviews, but I have occasionally added references to them for special reasons, e. g. because of the value of their positive contribution to the study, or because they afford a ready means of surveying the contents of the books to which they relate.

In 426/425 BC the Athenians purified the island of Delos: they removed all the graves, and for the future forbade either dying or giving birth there; those involved were to be removed to Rheneia. They also instituted the penteteric Delia after the purification. Whatever the Athenians' initial motivation, the interdiction on burial seems to have been taken seriously, for there were few if any licit burials on the island for the rest of antiquity. It must have been very difficult for the people of Delos to conform to this law, as it affected both the burial of the dead, and the performance of the regular, customary, rites of tendance of family tombs. This paper suggests how they may have found a way to adapt normal Greek practice to fit the circumstances peculiar to Delos.

The writers who discuss in detail the history of Macedonia during the years of ‘The Kings,’ Philip Arrhidaeus and Alexander IV (323–317 B.C.), state or assume that Roxane, the widow of Alexander the Great, fled to Queen Olympias in Epirus with her little son, after the death of Antipater, or else that she was sent or taken there by Polyperchon at the time when Queen Eurydice was putting Cassander in Polyperchon's place as her husband's prime minister. The stay of the mother and son in Epirus and their return with Olympias when she entered Macedonia to fight at Evia with Eurydice and Philip Arrhidaeus for the kingdom are mentioned by such authorities as Grote, Niese, Beloch, Kaerst, Staehelin (Berve, also, refers to Kaerst and Staehelin for this part of Roxane's history), Klotzsch, and Tarn.

The three inscriptions included in this paper belong to the well-known class of records containing the lists of sacred objects dedicated in the Parthenon during the fifth and fourth centuries. None of them sheds any new light on the difficult problems connected with the exact history of the various changes of the régime under which these records were drawn up. The best authority on these points after 400 is Lehner's treatise Über die athenischen Schatzverzeichnisse des vierten Jahrhunderts. To this work constant references are made in this paper in connexion with the second and third inscriptions contained in it, which give us several new items of interest and enable us to fill conclusively some of the many lacunae in these lists. The first fragment belongs to the period previous to the year 405/4, when a change was made in the organization of the treasurers who drew up these lists, which does not concern us here.

A very interesting symbolic picture of the battle of Lepanto executed in a miniature style has recently reached this country from Athens, and the owner, Sir Arthur Evans, has kindly allowed me to publish a reproduction and description of it.

The picture measures ·373 m. in height by ·275 m. in width, and is executed with a full range of colours on a sheet of vellum which has been at some time sharply folded across about half-way up the picture. Above and below and on the back there are inscriptions in Greek, but before we come to them it will be convenient to give some description of the picture itself. This is divided horizontally into two parts: above we see the saints and angels looking down upon the battle; below is the battle itself, and immediately above the centre of the fray, where the two fleets, Christian and Turkish, are in conflict, is a small medallion containing a throned figure of Christ.

The Arguments In favour of the Babylonian origin of the zodiacal signs are even stronger than is stated by Dr. Fotheringham. He says: ‘In our zodiac the place of the Ear of Corn is taken by the Virgin holding the ear of corn. As the Babylonians connected this ear of corn with the goddess Ishtar, the process from the ear to the virgin holding the ear is not very great.’ But (kakkab) Eŝŝim (a word which means ‘ear of corn’ according to Landsberger, Der kultische Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrer, 9–10) is actually represented on a Babylonian tablet as a virgin holding the ear (see Thureau-Dangin in Revue d'Assyriologie, xvi. p. 135). There was not therefore any change in the conception.

When the great tunnel under the Quirinal was being constructed many fragments of statues and inscriptions came to light, most of which are at present stored in the Magazzino Archeologico. Among the finest is the statue of a boy (Pl. I. a) in the Fourth Room, found during the excavations of 1899–1900, and published in the Bullettino Comunale for 1901, Pl. X., where it is described as probably a Pasitelean imitation of the early Peloponnesian School of the fifth century B.C., unlike any known type, but suggestive on the one hand, from the myrtle wreath on the support, of an Eros or Thanatos, on the other, from its grave and serious aspect, of a camillus. M. Reinach in a note in vol. iii. of his Recueil des Statues Antiques p. 177) also regards it as archaistic; Dr. Amelung as a copy of a bronze original produced somewhat later than the Hestia Giustiniani.

§ 45. War of Venice and Genoa.—The relations between Euboia and Attika continued to be peaceful. The Spanish lords of Athens had become less like a horde of robbers and more like a civilized community; they ceased to consort with Turks and infidels. Walter of Brienne indeed did not leave off his agitation against the Company, and he continued to importune Venice to form or join a league to restore him to his ducal seat. Venice however would not listen to him, and in 1344, when she bestowed on him the freedom of the city and allowed him to procure arms at Negroponte, she stipulated that such arms were not to be used against the Catalans. The Turks however continued their depredatory expeditions, and we learn that in 1341 Bartolommeo Ghisi, the Triarch, and the Duke of Naxos conjointly equipped a galley for the defence of the Archipelago and the coast of Euboia. It appears moreover that in 1343 Balzana Gozzadini, the widow of Pietro della Carceri, who acted as guardian for her son Giovanni, equipped another galley, and Negroponte itself was strengthened with new fortifications. These precautions seem to have protected the island efficiently for the next few years.

The modern convention for printing dialogues includes printing the names of the speakers on the margin at the beginning of their statements. But this practice was virtually unknown in ancient Greek dialogues. Instead, the most common convention for showing the shift from one speaker to another is through punctuation such as the colon, the παραγράφος or a horizontal stroke. Recently, N. G. Wilson has attributed the inclusion of the names of the speakers at the transitional points in Greek dialogues to Theodoret of Cyrus (mid-fifth century CE; composed Eranistes in 447) who, in this view, ‘deserves the credit for devising a literary convention that is now regarded as essential’.