The Anglican Communion did not come into being solely as a geographical extension of the Church of England. An agreement between episcopalian churches in Scotland and America in the eighteenth century represents a significant point in the development of Communion (koinonia) for Anglican ecclesiology. This essay traces the circumstances and the content of the agreement as an example of the way in which Anglicans have come, and are coming, to reconceive the way in which they participate in a global fellowship within the universal church of Jesus Christ.

This article examines the theological and ecclesial tensions that resulted from transplanting the established episcopalian polity and vision of the Church of England within the context of an evolving religious pluralism in America. The theological integralism of Anglican self-understanding as a result was forced to adjust itself in different and still uncomfortable ways within American Episcopalianism, and subsequent limitations on and inner conflicts within Anglican life in the United States (and beyond) are tied in part to these still unresolved tensions.

Nigeria is the most populous nation in Africa. It is also divided on religious grounds with a predominantly Muslim north and a mainly Christian south. Christians make up the majority of the population (52.6 per cent) compared with Muslims (41 per cent). The 17 million Anglicans are the second largest Christian group. With its large and religiously divided population Nigeria is one of the main countries in Africa, and the world, where large numbers of Muslims and Christians live and interact together. In today's world where the ‘Christian’ West and the Islamic world are becoming increasingly polarized, the history of Anglican/Muslim relations in Nigeria provides a key case study with important implications for Anglicans all over the world.

In the 1830s, among those associated with the Tractarian revival in England and also among certain figures in the (then) Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States (PECUSA), the idea of the ‘missionary bishop’ was propagated, which presented the bishop as a pioneer evangelist as the apostles were understood to be in New Testament times and saw the planting of the Church as necessarily including a bishop from the beginning for the ‘full integrity’ of the Church to be present. This view of the bishop as the ‘foundation stone’ was not held by the Evangelicals of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), who saw the bishop by contrast as the ‘crown’ or coping stone of the young churches. Two main protagonists were the High Churchman, Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, and the honorary secretary and missionary strategist, Henry Venn. The party, led by C.F. Mackenzie as Bishop and mounted by the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) in 1861 to the tribes near Lake Nyassa, was the outworking of this Tractarian ideal.

The legal Opinion of eminent English Counsel on the legal nexus of the Australian Anglican colonial dioceses to their Mother Church in England was delivered on 20 June 1911. It provoked a decade of debate in diocesan, provincial and national synods that revealed how leading Australian Anglicans identified themselves before and after World War One. Great diversity appears among the responses of bishops, clergy and laity. Both enthusiasm for change and wariness of it were confined to no one region or diocese. Lay understandings and participation in these debates, along with churchmanship anxieties and long traditions of colonial diocesan independence, were among important factors that governed the Australian Anglicans' long march towards constitutional autonomy in 1962. Lambeth archives, printed Synod Reports, Australian secular and religious press reports are quarried to reconstruct these images of a diverse and uncertain pre-1921 Australian Anglican identity.

The present situation of global Anglicanism sharply highlights issues of plurality which have been created in part by the nature of the tradition and also by the history of its expansion. Plurality and difference inevitably call for some account of this in relation to the tradition. Recent work has often focused on koinonia as a way of dealing with the relationships involved in the church community. But many of our problems arise from an absence of a capacity to require actions of others. A better way into this precisely institutional question is through Richard Hooker's discussion of power and order. Such a consideration leads to the need to develop more effective adjacent connections, and thus to a regionalizing of the communion.

In 1536 Wales (Cymru) and England were formally united by an Act of Union of the English Parliament. At the English Reformation, the established Church of England possessed four dioceses in Wales, part of the Canterbury Province. In 1920 Parliament disestablished the Church of England in Wales. The Welsh Church Act 1914 terminated the royal supremacy and appointment of bishops, the coercive jurisdiction of the church courts, and pre-1920 ecclesiastical law, applicable to the Church of England, ceased to exist as part of public law in Wales. The statute freed the Church in Wales (Yr Eglwys yng Nghymru) to establish its own domestic system of government and law, the latter located in its Constitution, pre-1920 ecclesiastical law (which still applies to the church unless altered by it), elements of the 1603 Canons Ecclesiastical and even pre-Reformation Roman canon law. The Church in Wales is also subject to State law, including that of the National Assembly for Wales. Indeed, civil laws on marriage and burial apply to the church, surviving as vestiges of establishment. Under civil law, the domestic law of the church, a voluntary association, binds its members as a matter of contract enforceable, in prescribed circumstances, in State courts.