Mask mandates were controversial policies during the pandemic. Although there is considerable research on the benefits of masks, there has been no research on the distribution of perceived costs of compliance with mask mandates. This article presents the results from a hypothetical set of questions related to mask-wearing behavior and opinions that were asked of a nationally representative sample of over 4,000 participants in early 2022. We use survey valuation methods to assess how much participants would be willing to pay to be exempted from rules of mandatory community masking. The survey asks specifically about a 3-month exemption. We find that the majority of respondents (56%) are not willing to pay to be exempted from mandatory masking. However, the average person was willing to pay $525, and a small segment of the population (0.9%) stated they were willing to pay over $5,000 to be exempted from the mandate. Younger respondents stated higher willingness to pay to avoid the mandate than older respondents. Combining our results with standard measures of the value of a statistical life, we estimate that a 3-month masking order was perceived as cost-effective through willingness to pay questions only if at least 13,333 lives were saved by the policy.

Title IX greatly expanded adolescent females’ participation in athletic activities, which may have led to health benefits that extend into later life. Previous research has not explored whether health benefits arising from Title IX differ by race or ethnicity and has not examined women at older ages when health problems become more evident. This article examines the effect of Title IX on racial and ethnicity disparities in health outcomes by considering women aged 42–52 years. White women in these age groups exhibit declines in their self-assessed health status and increases in many health-related ailments, consistent with other evidence on temporal trends in health for women in this age range. Compared to white women, both Black and Hispanic women report the opposite pattern, as there is greater improvement in the post-Title IX period in overall health status. Black and Hispanic women also exhibit greater declines relative to white women in smoking rates post-Title IX, which should confer a broad range of risk reductions. The more favorable impact of Title IX on Black and Hispanic women indicates that investments in women’s sports may enhance both equity and efficiency.

The COVID-19 pandemic revealed that public institutions and some households in the United Kingdom (UK) were in a vulnerable and weak financial position to mitigate its immediate outcomes. Public institutions did not have the necessary resources to support their communities and low-income groups were disproportionally affected by the economic contraction of 2020–2021. This paper explores how the disastrous consequences of the pandemic were exacerbated by the implementation of an austerity programme, that as an extension of a neoliberal ideology, supported the development of the market at the expense of reducing the welfare state. Through an assessment of four trends that were reinforced during austerity—the four ‘Ds’—this article shows that austerity influenced many of the struggles observed during the pandemic. These trends are disinvestment, decentralisation, decollectivisation and disintegration. Despite the lessons learnt in 2020–2021 and the evident need to move away from a neoliberal agenda that dismantled the capacities of the state, this article concludes that neoliberalism continues to threaten the welfare state and the formation of social collectivities. Some expenditure decisions taken by the British government in 2020–2021 could further deepen social class divisions and regional inequalities. More is needed from the government to tackle these social problems and to build a fairer and more equal society.

El objetivo de este trabajo es cuantificar la relación negativa entre actividad económica y la contención de la COVID-19 mediante la implementación de intervenciones no farmacéuticas en Paraguay. Para esto, calibramos el modelo desarrollado por Eichenbaum, Rebelo y Trabandt con datos de Paraguay. Utilizamos el modelo para simular la trayectoria de la actividad económica, dados distintos escenarios de infección. Consideramos tres casos de estudio. En el primero, consideramos una flexibilización de las medidas de intervención no farmacéuticas aún vigentes. En el segundo, estudiamos el impacto económico de contener una aceleración de la infección. En el tercer caso, analizamos una reducción de la infección y su efecto en la economía. Mediante el estudio de estos casos obtenemos una aproximación del costo económico de contener la infección.

We study the value of the political connections of directors on Chinese boards. We build a new dataset that measures connections of directors to members of the Politburo via past school ties, and find that private firms with politically connected directors in the boardroom get on average about 16% higher subsidies over sales per firm (7 million yuan). Connected state-owned enterprises (SOEs) access debt at 11% cheaper cost, which translates into average savings of close to 32 million yuan per firm in lower interest payments. We find that the value of the political connections persisted after the anti-corruption campaign (ACC) of 2012. It became weaker for the cost of debt in SOEs, but stronger for subsidies to private firms. We argue that the value of connections in the private sector increased after the ACC because they became a less risky alternative to corruption. We also show that connected firms do not perform better.

In recent theories of comparative development, the role of institutional differences has been crucial. Yet, what explains comparative institutional evolution? We investigate this issue by studying the coffee exporting economies of Latin America. Although homogeneous in many ways, they experienced radically different paths of economic (and political) development, which is conventionally traced to the differential organization of the coffee industry. We show that the different forms that the coffee economy took in the 19th century was critically determined by the legal environment determining access to land, and that different laws resulted from differences in the nature of political competition and the backgrounds of political elites. Our analysis suggests that explanations of institutional differences that stress economic fundamentals can only be part of the story. At least in the economies that we study, while geography, factor endowments and technology are clearly important, their implications for the institutional structure and thus development are conditional on the form that political competition takes in society. For interesting variations in economic outcomes, endowments are not fate.